CIA Document confirms Kissinger’s involvement in selling Cyprus for 30 silver pieces
Most noteworthy is the involvement of Henry Kissinger in giving the green light to Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus.
CIA Document confirms Kissinger’s involvement in selling Cyprus for 30 silver pieces
The recent release by the CIA of documents concerning the agency’s illegal surveillance of Americans and involvement in the assassinations of Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic, Salvador Allende of Chile, and Patrice Lumumba of Congo, as well as assassinations plots against Fidel Castro, prove what authors and scholars have already concluded about the agency. Most noteworthy is the involvement of Henry Kissinger in giving the green light to Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus.
The links between Kissinger and Turkey formed a long lasting relationship between Kissinger and the Israeli Lobby in the United States, particularly the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and the Turks, particularly the links between AIPAC and the American Turkish Council and individuals like Richard Perle, Marc Grossman, and Douglas Feith. That relationship was exposed with revelations stemming from information divulged as a result of the FBI’s firing of Turkish translator Sibel Edmonds and the concentration of the Brewster Jennings & Associates CIA front company on weapons of mass destruction and the Turkish nexus to nuclear materials trafficking from the former Soviet Central Asian states.
When Turkey invaded Cyprus in July 1974, Kissinger was only concerned about the continued operation of U.S. intelligence bases in Turkey and three in the presently under Turkish military control and occupied north zone of Cyprus: Yerolakkos, Mia Milia, and Karavas.Eventually, these listening stations were evacuated in 1975 by CIA agents and U.S. Marines.
Although Barbara Bush blamed CIA whistleblower Phil Agee for divulging the identity of Athens CIA station chief Richard Welch and blamed him for Welch’s assassination by left-wing terrorists in 1975, the confirmation of Kissinger’s support for the invasion of Cyprus is what triggered a wave of anti-American terrorist activity in Greece in the mid-1970s and well into the 1980s. It is Kissinger who is ultimately to blame for anti-American violence in Greece, both for his support of the Greek junta and his support for the Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
We can also now add Cypriot President Archbishop Makarios to the long list of foreign leaders targeted for assassination by the CIA and Kissinger. From the book “The Cyprus Conspiracy” by Brendan O’Malley and Ian Craig, we know that on July 15, 1974, Makarios’ Presidential Palace in Nicosia was hit with artilley fire from tanks while Makarios was greeting a group of young schoolchildren from Cairo. Makarios’ Presidential Guard fought the coup plotters off for several hours until the rebellious troops stormed the building and set fire to it. The CIA saw to it that Cyprus Radio broadcast the news that Makarios was dead.
It was a replay of Santiago, Chile and the anti-Allende coup the year before. Both events had Kissinger’s sordid fingerprints on them. Although Kissinger denied it, he has denied almost everything that shows him to be an arch war criminal, it was widely known that he believed Makarios to be the “Castro of the Mediterranean.”
Eventually, the right-wing junta that replaced Makarios collapsed along with the Greek military junta in Athens. Makarios, who continued to enjoy international recognition as President of Cyprus while in exile in London, returned to Cyprus to resume his Presidency. Makarios died suddenly from a heart attack in 1977, just shy of his 64th birthday.
On March 8, 1970, Makarios’ helicopter was was hit with bullets in an assassination attempt also linked to the CIA and the Greek Colonels junta in Athens. Kissinger, at the time, served as Nixon’s National Security Adviser.
And in a precursor to the neo-con purge that would drive out many experienced military, intelligence, and foreign service officers who opposed the Iraq war, Kissinger ensured that those within the State Department who opposed Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus were removed. They included the U.S. ambassador to Greece Henry Tasca, Cyprus Desk chief Tom Boyatt, and Greek desk chief George Churchill.
The newly-released CIA documents also show that Kissinger was furious at CIA director William Colby for divulging past CIA dirty tricks in the wake of Watergate. Kissinger said he was afraid that he could be blackmailed by the revelations about CIA misdeeds, much of which have come to light as a result of the recent CIA disclosures. Gerald Ford fired Colby and replaced him with George H. W. Bush.
Colby died in a suspicious boating accident in the Cheaspeake Bay in 1996. The CIA documents also reveal that former CIA director Richard Helms warned Kissinger that Colby’s disclosures were the “tip of the iceberg” and that much more damaging information might follow. Richard Nixon is quoted in the Watergate tapes referring to Watergate CIA burglars E. Howard Hunt and James McCord’s demand for money for his silence as threatening to blow open the “Cuba thing.”
It is interesting to compare what Nixon said to Helms’ statement: Nixon to Haldeman on June 23, 1972: “Of course, this is a, this is a Hunt, you will-that will uncover a lot of things. You open that scab there’s a hell of a lot of things and that we just feel that it would be very detrimental to have this thing go any further. This involves these Cubans, Hunt, and a lot of hanky-panky that we have nothing to do with ourselves.”
Kissinger to President Gerald Ford on Jan. 4, 1975: “Helms said all these stories are just the tip of the iceberg. If they come out, blood will flow.”
Nixon’s and Helms’ comments are now viewed by some historians of CIA operations as referring to the CIA’s most probable despicable act: involvement by some of its assets in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The released documents cite links between the CIA and right-wing Cuban exiles involved in plotting the assassination of Castro, Mafia chieftain Johnny Roselli, who was linked to Lee Harvey Oswald assassin Jack Ruby as well as to Mafia dons Salvatore “Sam” Giancana and Sabtos Trafficante, and Howard Hughes’ top assistant Robert Maheu, a former FBI agent, who acted as a liaison between Langley and the mob.
The recently-released and heavily-redacted CIA documents, called the “Family Jewels,” provide a great deal of confirmation of events already widely known to the public but they pale in comparison to the shocking revelations by Colby to the 1970s Frank Church and Otis Pike Committees and the Vice President Nelson Rockefeller Commission, all of which investigated abuses by the U.S. intelligence community.
Έγγραφο της CIA επιβεβαιώνει τη συμμετοχή του Κίσινγκερ στην πώληση Κύπρος για 30 αργύρια
Η πιο αξιοσημείωτη είναι η συμμετοχή του Χένρι Κίσινγκερ δίνοντας το πράσινο φως για την εισβολή της Τουρκίας στην Κύπρος.
Η πρόσφατη απελευθέρωση από τη CIA εγγράφων σχετικά με την παράνομη επιτήρησης του οργανισμού των Αμερικανών και συμμετοχή στις δολοφονίες των ΜΚΟ Dinh Diem του Νοτίου Βιετνάμ, Rafael Trujillo της Δομινικανής Δημοκρατίας, Σαλβαδόρ Αλιέντε της Χιλής, και Πατρίς Λουμούμπα του Κονγκό, καθώς και οι δολοφονίες συνωμοσίες εναντίον του Φιντέλ Κάστρο, αποδεικνύουν τι συγγραφείς και επιστήμονες έχουν ήδη καταλήξει στο συμπέρασμα για το γραφείο. Ιδιαίτερα αξιοσημείωτη είναι η συμμετοχή του Χένρι Κίσινγκερ δίνοντας το πράσινο φως για την εισβολή της Τουρκίας στην Κύπρος.
Οι δεσμοί μεταξύ Κίσινγκερ και την Τουρκία διαμορφώνεται μια μακροχρόνια σχέση μεταξύ του Κίσινγκερ και του ισραηλινού λόμπι στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, ιδιαίτερα το Ισραήλ Αμερικανική Επιτροπή Δημοσίων Υποθέσεων (AIPAC) και τους Τούρκους, ιδιαίτερα τους δεσμούς μεταξύ AIPAC και του αμερικανικού τουρκικού Συμβουλίου και άτομα όπως ο Richard Perle, Marc Grossman, και Ντάγκλας Φέιθ. Η σχέση αυτή εκτέθηκε με τις αποκαλύψεις που προέρχονται από τις πληροφορίες που διαρρέουν, ως αποτέλεσμα της καύσης του FBI της τουρκικής μεταφραστής Sibel Edmonds και τη συγκέντρωση της εταιρείας μπροστά Brewster Jennings & Associates CIA σχετικά με τα όπλα μαζικής καταστροφής και την τουρκική δεσμό με την εμπορία πυρηνικών υλικών από την πρώην σοβιετικά κράτη της Κεντρικής Ασίας.
Όταν η Τουρκία εισέβαλε Κύπρος τον Ιούλιο του 1974, ο Κίσινγκερ ήταν ενδιαφέρεται μόνο για τη συνέχιση της λειτουργίας των μυστικών αμερικανικών βάσεων στην Τουρκία και τρεις στο σήμερα υπό τουρκική στρατιωτική έλεγχο και κατέλαβαν βόρεια ζώνη Κύπρος:. Γερόλακκος, Μια Μηλιά, και Καραβά Τελικά, όλα αυτά ακούγοντας σταθμοί εκκενώθηκαν το 1975 από πράκτορες της CIA και των ΗΠΑ πεζοναύτες.
Αν Μπάρμπαρα Μπους κατηγόρησε CIA πληροφοριοδότη Phil Agee για την αποκάλυψη της ταυτότητας των Αθηνών επικεφαλής της CIA σταθμό Richard Welch και τον κατηγόρησε για τη δολοφονία του Welch από τους τρομοκράτες της αριστεράς το 1975, η επιβεβαίωση της στήριξης του Κίσινγκερ για την εισβολή η Κύπρος είναι αυτό που πυροδότησε ένα κύμα αντι -αμερικανική τρομοκρατική δραστηριότητα στην Ελλάδα στα μέσα της δεκαετίας του 1970 και καλά στο 1980.Είναι Κίσινγκερ, που είναι τελικά φταίει για την αντι-αμερικανική βία στην Ελλάδα, τόσο για την υποστήριξή του προς την ελληνική χούντα και την υποστήριξή του για την τουρκική εισβολή στην Κύπρος.
Μπορούμε επίσης να προσθέσουμε Κύπριος Πρόεδρος Αρχιεπίσκοπος Μακάριος στον μακρύ κατάλογο των ξένων ηγετών στόχο για τη δολοφονία από τη CIA και Kissinger. Από το βιβλίο "Η Κύπρος Conspiracy" του Brendan O'Malley και Ian Craig, γνωρίζουμε ότι στις 15 του Ιούλη, 1974 , Μακαρίου Προεδρικό Μέγαρο στη Λευκωσία χτυπήθηκε με artilley φωτιά από τις δεξαμενές, ενώ ο Μακάριος υποδεχόταν μια ομάδα νεαρών μαθητών από το Κάιρο.Μακαρίου Προεδρική Φρουρά πολέμησε τους πραξικοπηματίες για αρκετές ώρες, μέχρι τα στρατεύματα εισέβαλαν επαναστατική το κτίριο και έβαλαν φωτιά. Η CIA κανόνισε ότι Κύπρος Radio μεταδίδουν την είδηση ότι ο Μακάριος ήταν νεκρός.
Ήταν μια επανάληψη του Σαντιάγο, Χιλή και το πραξικόπημα κατά του Αλιέντε το προηγούμενο έτος. Και οι δύο εκδηλώσεις είχαν πικρή αποτυπώματα Κίσινγκερ τους. Παρά το γεγονός ότι ο Κίσινγκερ αρνήθηκε, διέψευσε σχεδόν τα πάντα που δείχνει αυτόν να είναι μια ποινική αψίδα του πολέμου, ήταν ευρέως γνωστό ότι ο Μακάριος πίστευε ότι είναι η «Κάστρο της Μεσογείου».
Τελικά, η χούντα της δεξιάς που αντικατέστησε τον Μακάριο κατέρρευσε μαζί με την ελληνική στρατιωτική χούντα στην Αθήνα. Ο Μακάριος, που συνεχίζουν να απολαμβάνουν διεθνή αναγνώριση ως πρόεδρος της Κύπρος, ενώ στην εξορία στο Λονδίνο, επέστρεψε στην Κύπρος να επαναλάβει προεδρία του. Μακάριος πέθανε ξαφνικά από καρδιακή προσβολή το 1977, ακριβώς ντροπαλός 64η γενέθλιά του.
Στις 8 Μαρτίου του 1970, ελικόπτερο του Μακαρίου ήταν χτυπήθηκε με σφαίρες σε μια απόπειρα δολοφονίας, επίσης, συνδέεται με τη CIA και τη χούντα Ελληνική συνταγματαρχών στην Αθήνα. Κίσινγκερ, εκείνη την εποχή, υπηρέτησε ως Σύμβουλος Εθνικής Ασφάλειας Νίξον.
Και σε μια πρόδρομος της νεοσυντηρητικής καθαρισμού που θα διώξουν πολλούς έμπειρους στρατιωτική, την ευφυΐα, και οι αλλοδαποί αξιωματικοί των υπηρεσιών που αντιτάχθηκε στον πόλεμο του Ιράκ, ο Κίσινγκερ εξασφαλιστεί ότι τα άτομα εντός του State Department που αντιτάχθηκαν εισβολή της Τουρκίας Κύπρος απομακρύνθηκαν. Θα περιλαμβάνονται η Ο πρεσβευτής των ΗΠΑ στην Ελλάδα Henry Tasca, επικεφαλής Desk Κύπρος Τομ Μπόγιατ, και η ελληνική επικεφαλής γραφείο George Churchill.
Τα πρόσφατα κυκλοφόρησε έγγραφα της CIA δείχνουν επίσης ότι ο Κίσινγκερ ήταν έξαλλος με διευθυντής της CIA William Colby για να αποκαλύψει το παρελθόν της CIA βρώμικα κόλπα στον απόηχο του Watergate. Κίσινγκερ είπε ότι φοβόταν ότι θα μπορούσε να εκβιάσει τις αποκαλύψεις σχετικά CIA παραπτώματα, πολλά από τα οποία έχουν έρθει στο φως, ως αποτέλεσμα των πρόσφατων αποκαλύψεις της CIA. Gerald Ford καύση Colby και τον αντικατέστησε με τον George HW Bush.
Colby πέθανε σε ένα ύποπτο ατύχημα με σκάφος στον κόλπο Cheaspeake το 1996. Τα έγγραφα της CIA αποκαλύπτουν επίσης ότι ο πρώην διευθυντής της CIA Richard Helms προειδοποίησε Κίσινγκερ ότι οι αποκαλύψεις Colby ήταν η «κορυφή του παγόβουνου» και ότι πολύ πιο καταστροφικές πληροφορίες θα μπορούσε να ακολουθήσει. Ρίτσαρντ Νίξον είναι εισηγμένες στο Watergate ταινίες που αναφέρονται στο Watergate διαρρήκτες CIA Ε. Χάουαρντ Χαντ και της ζήτησης James McCord για τα χρήματα για τη σιωπή του, όπως απειλεί να φυσήξει ανοίξει το "Cuba πράγμα."
Είναι ενδιαφέρον να συγκρίνουμε αυτό που είπε ο Νίξον να Helms «δήλωση: Nixon να Haldeman στις 23 Ιουνίου, 1972:" Φυσικά, αυτό είναι ένα, αυτό είναι ένα κυνήγι, θα-που θα αποκαλύψει πολλά πράγματα. Θα ανοίξει η κρούστα υπάρχει μια κόλαση από πολλά πράγματα και ότι απλά την αίσθηση ότι θα ήταν πολύ επιζήμια για αυτό το πράγμα να πάει περαιτέρω. Αυτό περιλαμβάνει αυτά Κουβανοί, Hunt, και πολλά μαντήλι-panky που δεν έχουμε τίποτα να κάνει με τον εαυτό μας. "
Κίσινγκερ προς τον Πρόεδρο Gerald Ford στις 4 Ιανουαρίου, 1975: "Helms είπε ότι όλες αυτές οι ιστορίες είναι μόνο η κορυφή του παγόβουνου. Αν βγει, το αίμα θα ρέει. "
Νίξον και τα σχόλια Helms »θεωρούνται πλέον από ορισμένους ιστορικούς των επιχειρήσεων της CIA, όπως αναφέρεται σε πιο πιθανές ποταπή πράξη της CIA: συμμετοχή ορισμένων στοιχείων του ενεργητικού της στη δολοφονία του Προέδρου John F. Kennedy. Τα έγγραφα που κυκλοφόρησαν αναφέρουν δεσμών μεταξύ της CIA και της δεξιάς Κουβανοί εξόριστοι που συμμετέχουν στην χάραξη της δολοφονίας του Κάστρο, Mafia οπλαρχηγός Johnny Roselli, ο οποίος συνδέθηκε με Lee Harvey Oswald δολοφόνο Jack Ruby, καθώς και σε Mafia Ντονς Salvatore "Sam" Giancana και Sabtos top βοηθός Trafficante, και Howard Hughes »Robert Maheu, ένας πρώην πράκτορας του FBI, ο οποίος ενήργησε ως σύνδεσμος μεταξύ Langley και τον όχλο.
Τα πρόσφατα κυκλοφόρησε και σε μεγάλο βαθμό-αναθεωρημένο έγγραφα της CIA, που ονομάζεται "Family Jewels", προσφέρει μια μεγάλη επιβεβαίωση των γεγονότων που έχουν ήδη ευρέως γνωστό στο κοινό, αλλά χλωμό σε σύγκριση με τις συγκλονιστικές αποκαλύψεις Colby στο 1970 Frank Εκκλησία και Otis Pike Επιτροπές και ο Αντιπρόεδρος Nelson Rockefeller της Επιτροπής, τα οποία διερεύνησε τις παραβιάσεις από την κοινότητα των υπηρεσιών πληροφοριών των ΗΠΑ.
CIA Document confirms Kissinger’s involvement in selling Cyprus for 30 silver pieces June 28, 2007
Posted by grhomeboy in Cyprus Occupied, Politics.
trackback
Most noteworthy is the involvement of Henry Kissinger in giving the green light to Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus.
The recent release by the CIA of documents concerning the agency’s illegal surveillance of Americans and involvement in the assassinations of Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic, Salvador Allende of Chile, and Patrice Lumumba of Congo, as well as assassinations plots against Fidel Castro, prove what authors and scholars have already concluded about the agency. Most noteworthy is the involvement of Henry Kissinger in giving the green light to Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus.
The links between Kissinger and Turkey formed a long lasting relationship between Kissinger and the Israeli Lobby in the United States, particularly the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and the Turks, particularly the links between AIPAC and the American Turkish Council and individuals like Richard Perle, Marc Grossman, and Douglas Feith. That relationship was exposed with revelations stemming from information divulged as a result of the FBI’s firing of Turkish translator Sibel Edmonds and the concentration of the Brewster Jennings & Associates CIA front company on weapons of mass destruction and the Turkish nexus to nuclear materials trafficking from the former Soviet Central Asian states.
When Turkey invaded Cyprus in July 1974, Kissinger was only concerned about the continued operation of U.S. intelligence bases in Turkey and three in the presently under Turkish military control and occupied north zone of Cyprus: Yerolakkos, Mia Milia, and Karavas. Eventually, these listening stations were evacuated in 1975 by CIA agents and U.S. Marines.
Although Barbara Bush blamed CIA whistleblower Phil Agee for divulging the identity of Athens CIA station chief Richard Welch and blamed him for Welch’s assassination by left-wing terrorists in 1975, the confirmation of Kissinger’s support for the invasion of Cyprus is what triggered a wave of anti-American terrorist activity in Greece in the mid-1970s and well into the 1980s. It is Kissinger who is ultimately to blame for anti-American violence in Greece, both for his support of the Greek junta and his support for the Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
We can also now add Cypriot President Archbishop Makarios to the long list of foreign leaders targeted for assassination by the CIA and Kissinger. From the book “The Cyprus Conspiracy” by Brendan O’Malley and Ian Craig, we know that on July 15, 1974, Makarios’ Presidential Palace in Nicosia was hit with artilley fire from tanks while Makarios was greeting a group of young schoolchildren from Cairo. Makarios’ Presidential Guard fought the coup plotters off for several hours until the rebellious troops stormed the building and set fire to it. The CIA saw to it that Cyprus Radio broadcast the news that Makarios was dead.
It was a replay of Santiago, Chile and the anti-Allende coup the year before. Both events had Kissinger’s sordid fingerprints on them. Although Kissinger denied it, he has denied almost everything that shows him to be an arch war criminal, it was widely known that he believed Makarios to be the “Castro of the Mediterranean.”
Eventually, the right-wing junta that replaced Makarios collapsed along with the Greek military junta in Athens. Makarios, who continued to enjoy international recognition as President of Cyprus while in exile in London, returned to Cyprus to resume his Presidency. Makarios died suddenly from a heart attack in 1977, just shy of his 64th birthday.
On March 8, 1970, Makarios’ helicopter was was hit with bullets in an assassination attempt also linked to the CIA and the Greek Colonels junta in Athens. Kissinger, at the time, served as Nixon’s National Security Adviser.
And in a precursor to the neo-con purge that would drive out many experienced military, intelligence, and foreign service officers who opposed the Iraq war, Kissinger ensured that those within the State Department who opposed Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus were removed. They included the U.S. ambassador to Greece Henry Tasca, Cyprus Desk chief Tom Boyatt, and Greek desk chief George Churchill.
The newly-released CIA documents also show that Kissinger was furious at CIA director William Colby for divulging past CIA dirty tricks in the wake of Watergate. Kissinger said he was afraid that he could be blackmailed by the revelations about CIA misdeeds, much of which have come to light as a result of the recent CIA disclosures. Gerald Ford fired Colby and replaced him with George H. W. Bush.
Colby died in a suspicious boating accident in the Cheaspeake Bay in 1996. The CIA documents also reveal that former CIA director Richard Helms warned Kissinger that Colby’s disclosures were the “tip of the iceberg” and that much more damaging information might follow. Richard Nixon is quoted in the Watergate tapes referring to Watergate CIA burglars E. Howard Hunt and James McCord’s demand for money for his silence as threatening to blow open the “Cuba thing.”
It is interesting to compare what Nixon said to Helms’ statement: Nixon to Haldeman on June 23, 1972: “Of course, this is a, this is a Hunt, you will-that will uncover a lot of things. You open that scab there’s a hell of a lot of things and that we just feel that it would be very detrimental to have this thing go any further. This involves these Cubans, Hunt, and a lot of hanky-panky that we have nothing to do with ourselves.”
Kissinger to President Gerald Ford on Jan. 4, 1975: “Helms said all these stories are just the tip of the iceberg. If they come out, blood will flow.”
Nixon’s and Helms’ comments are now viewed by some historians of CIA operations as referring to the CIA’s most probable despicable act: involvement by some of its assets in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The released documents cite links between the CIA and right-wing Cuban exiles involved in plotting the assassination of Castro, Mafia chieftain Johnny Roselli, who was linked to Lee Harvey Oswald assassin Jack Ruby as well as to Mafia dons Salvatore “Sam” Giancana and Sabtos Trafficante, and Howard Hughes’ top assistant Robert Maheu, a former FBI agent, who acted as a liaison between Langley and the mob.
The recently-released and heavily-redacted CIA documents, called the “Family Jewels,” provide a great deal of confirmation of events already widely known to the public but they pale in comparison to the shocking revelations by Colby to the 1970s Frank Church and Otis Pike Committees and the Vice President Nelson Rockefeller Commission, all of which investigated abuses by the U.S. intelligence community.
Posted by grhomeboy in Cyprus Occupied, Politics.
trackback
Most noteworthy is the involvement of Henry Kissinger in giving the green light to Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus.
The recent release by the CIA of documents concerning the agency’s illegal surveillance of Americans and involvement in the assassinations of Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic, Salvador Allende of Chile, and Patrice Lumumba of Congo, as well as assassinations plots against Fidel Castro, prove what authors and scholars have already concluded about the agency. Most noteworthy is the involvement of Henry Kissinger in giving the green light to Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus.
The links between Kissinger and Turkey formed a long lasting relationship between Kissinger and the Israeli Lobby in the United States, particularly the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and the Turks, particularly the links between AIPAC and the American Turkish Council and individuals like Richard Perle, Marc Grossman, and Douglas Feith. That relationship was exposed with revelations stemming from information divulged as a result of the FBI’s firing of Turkish translator Sibel Edmonds and the concentration of the Brewster Jennings & Associates CIA front company on weapons of mass destruction and the Turkish nexus to nuclear materials trafficking from the former Soviet Central Asian states.
When Turkey invaded Cyprus in July 1974, Kissinger was only concerned about the continued operation of U.S. intelligence bases in Turkey and three in the presently under Turkish military control and occupied north zone of Cyprus: Yerolakkos, Mia Milia, and Karavas. Eventually, these listening stations were evacuated in 1975 by CIA agents and U.S. Marines.
Although Barbara Bush blamed CIA whistleblower Phil Agee for divulging the identity of Athens CIA station chief Richard Welch and blamed him for Welch’s assassination by left-wing terrorists in 1975, the confirmation of Kissinger’s support for the invasion of Cyprus is what triggered a wave of anti-American terrorist activity in Greece in the mid-1970s and well into the 1980s. It is Kissinger who is ultimately to blame for anti-American violence in Greece, both for his support of the Greek junta and his support for the Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
We can also now add Cypriot President Archbishop Makarios to the long list of foreign leaders targeted for assassination by the CIA and Kissinger. From the book “The Cyprus Conspiracy” by Brendan O’Malley and Ian Craig, we know that on July 15, 1974, Makarios’ Presidential Palace in Nicosia was hit with artilley fire from tanks while Makarios was greeting a group of young schoolchildren from Cairo. Makarios’ Presidential Guard fought the coup plotters off for several hours until the rebellious troops stormed the building and set fire to it. The CIA saw to it that Cyprus Radio broadcast the news that Makarios was dead.
It was a replay of Santiago, Chile and the anti-Allende coup the year before. Both events had Kissinger’s sordid fingerprints on them. Although Kissinger denied it, he has denied almost everything that shows him to be an arch war criminal, it was widely known that he believed Makarios to be the “Castro of the Mediterranean.”
Eventually, the right-wing junta that replaced Makarios collapsed along with the Greek military junta in Athens. Makarios, who continued to enjoy international recognition as President of Cyprus while in exile in London, returned to Cyprus to resume his Presidency. Makarios died suddenly from a heart attack in 1977, just shy of his 64th birthday.
On March 8, 1970, Makarios’ helicopter was was hit with bullets in an assassination attempt also linked to the CIA and the Greek Colonels junta in Athens. Kissinger, at the time, served as Nixon’s National Security Adviser.
And in a precursor to the neo-con purge that would drive out many experienced military, intelligence, and foreign service officers who opposed the Iraq war, Kissinger ensured that those within the State Department who opposed Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus were removed. They included the U.S. ambassador to Greece Henry Tasca, Cyprus Desk chief Tom Boyatt, and Greek desk chief George Churchill.
The newly-released CIA documents also show that Kissinger was furious at CIA director William Colby for divulging past CIA dirty tricks in the wake of Watergate. Kissinger said he was afraid that he could be blackmailed by the revelations about CIA misdeeds, much of which have come to light as a result of the recent CIA disclosures. Gerald Ford fired Colby and replaced him with George H. W. Bush.
Colby died in a suspicious boating accident in the Cheaspeake Bay in 1996. The CIA documents also reveal that former CIA director Richard Helms warned Kissinger that Colby’s disclosures were the “tip of the iceberg” and that much more damaging information might follow. Richard Nixon is quoted in the Watergate tapes referring to Watergate CIA burglars E. Howard Hunt and James McCord’s demand for money for his silence as threatening to blow open the “Cuba thing.”
It is interesting to compare what Nixon said to Helms’ statement: Nixon to Haldeman on June 23, 1972: “Of course, this is a, this is a Hunt, you will-that will uncover a lot of things. You open that scab there’s a hell of a lot of things and that we just feel that it would be very detrimental to have this thing go any further. This involves these Cubans, Hunt, and a lot of hanky-panky that we have nothing to do with ourselves.”
Kissinger to President Gerald Ford on Jan. 4, 1975: “Helms said all these stories are just the tip of the iceberg. If they come out, blood will flow.”
Nixon’s and Helms’ comments are now viewed by some historians of CIA operations as referring to the CIA’s most probable despicable act: involvement by some of its assets in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The released documents cite links between the CIA and right-wing Cuban exiles involved in plotting the assassination of Castro, Mafia chieftain Johnny Roselli, who was linked to Lee Harvey Oswald assassin Jack Ruby as well as to Mafia dons Salvatore “Sam” Giancana and Sabtos Trafficante, and Howard Hughes’ top assistant Robert Maheu, a former FBI agent, who acted as a liaison between Langley and the mob.
The recently-released and heavily-redacted CIA documents, called the “Family Jewels,” provide a great deal of confirmation of events already widely known to the public but they pale in comparison to the shocking revelations by Colby to the 1970s Frank Church and Otis Pike Committees and the Vice President Nelson Rockefeller Commission, all of which investigated abuses by the U.S. intelligence community.
Thursday, 30 July 2009
Kissinger against the Greeks… except Karamanlis
Below is another excerpt from confidential conversations now available in the archives of President Gerald Ford. (See also my previous post). This time the conversation is from 20 February 1975 and involves Ford, his secretary of state Henry Kissinger and other members of Ford's national security team briefing Congressional leaders on, among other things, recent developments in the Middle East, relations with the Soviet Union, the state of Greece and the Cyprus issue following the Turkish invasion of the island. In relation to Greece and Cyprus, Kissinger is particularly anxious that: prime minister Konstantinos Karamanlis – who Kissinger describes as 'a great leader' who 'wants to put Cyprus behind him' – is supported as a bulwark against the left in Greece and Makarios in Cyprus – who Kissinger describes as an agent of 'chaos'; and that the arms embargo imposed by Congress on Turkey after the invasion of Cyprus is lifted, otherwise, according to Kissinger, Turkey will be driven into the arms of radical Middle Eastern states and Israel's security jeopardised, something he thinks should be stressed to the Jewish-American lobby, which could then be used to counter Greek arguments in Congress for cutting aid to Turkey. Read the whole document here.
Kissinger: Makarios is the only party who is interested in continued chaos. Cyprus is a millstone to the Greeks…
Scott: What will the Turks do?
Kissinger: They will sever, step-by-step, their contact with us, and get more active in Middle East affairs. They will soon be running out of spare parts.
McFall: Won't Karamanlis say something privately to the Greek leaders here?
Kissinger: He is a great leader. He is flanked by [Andreas] Papandreou and Makarios. He wants a settlement but has to watch his flanks…
Albert: Wouldn't Turkey handicap operations like in the last [Arab-Israeli] war?
Kissinger: Yes. We have installations there which are irreplaceable. And if there is another Israeli-Syrian war and the Soviet Union behaves more intransigently, a hostile Turkey would be very dangerous. The Clerides-Denktash talks are now suspended. Even if we reversed the situation today, it would take time. The chief loser is Karamanlis, who wants to put it behind him, to build Greek democracy. He doesn't want Cyprus to be an issue in Greek domestic politics.
McFall: Can't Karamanlis say that?
Kissinger: No…
Rhodes: What is [Archbishop of North America] Iakovos' role? He just gave an anti-American speech. I think they are under Makarios.
Scott: It looks to me like the Jewish interests are being imperilled by Greek interests.
Kissinger: No question about it.
Cederberg: Papandreou is the problem. He is not for Karamanlis. He wants to get back in Greece.
Kissinger: You are absolutely right. Papandreou and Makarios profit by chaos. There is now coup talk in Greece.
Byrd: Can the Jewish community help?
Kissinger: My impression is that [Congressman Ben] Rosenthal is trapped. He recognizes his problem but he doesn't know how to get off it.
Burton: Ben just has to be convinced on the merits…
Byrd: I think it is time that the Jewish community became visible in this.
Kissinger against the Greeks… except Karamanlis
Below is another excerpt from confidential conversations now available in the archives of President Gerald Ford. (See also my previous post). This time the conversation is from 20 February 1975 and involves Ford, his secretary of state Henry Kissinger and other members of Ford's national security team briefing Congressional leaders on, among other things, recent developments in the Middle East, relations with the Soviet Union, the state of Greece and the Cyprus issue following the Turkish invasion of the island. In relation to Greece and Cyprus, Kissinger is particularly anxious that: prime minister Konstantinos Karamanlis – who Kissinger describes as 'a great leader' who 'wants to put Cyprus behind him' – is supported as a bulwark against the left in Greece and Makarios in Cyprus – who Kissinger describes as an agent of 'chaos'; and that the arms embargo imposed by Congress on Turkey after the invasion of Cyprus is lifted, otherwise, according to Kissinger, Turkey will be driven into the arms of radical Middle Eastern states and Israel's security jeopardised, something he thinks should be stressed to the Jewish-American lobby, which could then be used to counter Greek arguments in Congress for cutting aid to Turkey. Read the whole document here.
Kissinger: Makarios is the only party who is interested in continued chaos. Cyprus is a millstone to the Greeks…
Scott: What will the Turks do?
Kissinger: They will sever, step-by-step, their contact with us, and get more active in Middle East affairs. They will soon be running out of spare parts.
McFall: Won't Karamanlis say something privately to the Greek leaders here?
Kissinger: He is a great leader. He is flanked by [Andreas] Papandreou and Makarios. He wants a settlement but has to watch his flanks…
Albert: Wouldn't Turkey handicap operations like in the last [Arab-Israeli] war?
Kissinger: Yes. We have installations there which are irreplaceable. And if there is another Israeli-Syrian war and the Soviet Union behaves more intransigently, a hostile Turkey would be very dangerous. The Clerides-Denktash talks are now suspended. Even if we reversed the situation today, it would take time. The chief loser is Karamanlis, who wants to put it behind him, to build Greek democracy. He doesn't want Cyprus to be an issue in Greek domestic politics.
McFall: Can't Karamanlis say that?
Kissinger: No…
Rhodes: What is [Archbishop of North America] Iakovos' role? He just gave an anti-American speech. I think they are under Makarios.
Scott: It looks to me like the Jewish interests are being imperilled by Greek interests.
Kissinger: No question about it.
Cederberg: Papandreou is the problem. He is not for Karamanlis. He wants to get back in Greece.
Kissinger: You are absolutely right. Papandreou and Makarios profit by chaos. There is now coup talk in Greece.
Byrd: Can the Jewish community help?
Kissinger: My impression is that [Congressman Ben] Rosenthal is trapped. He recognizes his problem but he doesn't know how to get off it.
Burton: Ben just has to be convinced on the merits…
Byrd: I think it is time that the Jewish community became visible in this.
Henry Kissinger and Cyprus: A War Crime?
Nicolas Mottas
September 24, 2009
Henry Kissinger is perhaps the most controversial U.S. Secretary of State of the 20th Century. Like any famous political personality he has two sides, one bright and one darker: The prominent Harvard Scholar, father of the so-called 'realpolitik' doctrine who became an expert in International Relations, but also the head of a shady diplomatic machine, whose name has been involved in political tragedies around the world. From the Vietnam war to the establishment of dictatorial regimes in Latin America.
One of these tragedies that has insolubly wounded Kissinger's reputation is the 1974 Cyprus events - the Turkish military invasion which led to the island's division. A situation which remains quite the same until today, making Nicosia the only divided capital city in the world. Actually, what was the role of Nixon and Ford's Secretary of State in Cyprus?
From his side, Mr.Kissinger has supported that the United States couldn't intervene in order to prevent Turkey's invasion in northern Cyprus. For more than 30 years, the former U.S. Secretary has tried to "wash his hands" over the Cyprus Issue by arguing that he hadn't the needed information in order to predict the aftermath of the coup against Makarios. However, Kissinger's allegations have been decomposed, since the U.S. State Department published specific declassified documents. An important number of such documents certifies that the then U.S Secretary of State had in his hands relevant C.I.A. reports which were prognosticating the Turkish military operation.
In his book "The United States and the Making of Modern Greece, History and Power, 1950-1974", american historian James Miller supports that the State Department knew what was going to happen: Kissinger was actually informed about the actions of Grivas, leader of EOKA 'B, who in co-operation with Athens' colonels planned the July 15th coup d'etat against Archbishop Makarios. These events eventually led to the Turkish invasion and island's division. Reviewing Miller's book, former U.S. diplomat John Brady Kiesling writes (2) that "Miller is properly tough in condemning Kissinger for diplomatic incompetence as well as ideological blindness" while he mentions that "(ambassador) Tasca made himself persona non grata with Secretary of State Henry Kissinger by fervently urging 6th Fleet intervention to save Cyprus".
According to Cypriot journalist Makarios Drousiotis, Mr.Kissinger constructed his strategy on the Soviet threat. But, in fact, he knew that there wasn't any serious interest from the side of Moscow - apart from verbal support of lawfulness in the island. Drousiotis, a correspondent for the Greek daily 'Eleftherotypia', has presented (1) a very interesting document of a conversation between Henry Kissinger and the Soviet ambassador in Washington Anatoly Dobrinin, just after the coup against Archbishop Makarios on July 1974: When ambassador Dobrinin says that "there are information that the British and the Turks are planning to do something (regarding the situation in Cyprus)" Kissinger replies that "we (the US) know for sure that Turkey is not going to do anything". Miscalculation, diplomatic mistake or just pure lies?
In any case, Drousiotis successfully comments that Kissinger was actually trying to avoid the "internationalization of the Cyprus case" and therefore was seeking a U.S. - U.S.S.R. regulation on the issue. Furthermore, the perspective of Turkey's withdrawal from NATO was a nighmare for the then leader of U.S. diplomacy. Mr.Kissinger himself had expressed that fear during a discussion with Archbishop Makarios on October 2, 1974 in Washington D.C. (Eleftherotypia, 12 August 2009).
Apart from the various C.I.A. reports, Henry Kissinger had received relevant information from the then head of State Department's office in Cyprus, Thomas Boyatt (Ta Nea, 19.8.2009). Just after the coup against Archbishop Makarios in Nicosia, Boyatt proposed the immediate restoration of Archbishop's authority and the eviction of the Greek military officers who took active role in the events of July 15. That was probably the safest way to avert the Turkish invasion - nonetheless, Mr.Kissinger inexcusably rejected Boyatt's proposals.
Unfortunately for Cyprus and its people, the U.S. Secretary of State repeated the same stance a few months after the first bloody invasion. He consistently rejected the proposal of the then British Foreign Minister James Callaghan to pose the threat of war against Ankara, in case of a new Turkish attack on Cyprus. It could be another strategic "mistake" of Kissinger, but in fact it was a conscious decision. Moreover, American Intelligence officers seem to have confirmed (3) that Kissinger allowed arms to be moved to Ankara (The Raw Story, 27.6.2007). The results of the Kissinger tactic towards Cyprus are quite known.
More than 1500 Greek Cypriots still missing (the bones of three young men were found recently in a mass grave), thousands of uprooted families and continuous violation of Human Rights (4) from the side of the Turkish army. Unfortunately for the fame of U.S. Foreign Policy, Henry Kissinger and his policy contributed to this war crime. Since then, he has remained in the collective memory of the Greeks as an active - negative - protagonist in one of the darkest events of modern Greek history. And many of us would agree that a whole nation's collective memory is perhaps stronger and tougher than any court's decision. The truth is that Mr.Kissinger's reputation - both moral and political - died in Cyprus, 35 years ago.
Footnotes -
1. http://www.makarios.eu/cgibin/hweb?-A=283&-V=history
(see this article pasted-in below)
2. http://www.speroforum.com/a/19815/The-US-and-the-Making-of-Modern-Greece
(see this article pasted-in below)
3.http://www.rawstory.com/news/2007/Intelligence_officers_confirm_Kissinger_role_in_0626.html
(see this article pasted-in below)
4. In 1976 and again in 1983, the European Commission of Human Rights (E.C.H.R) found Turkey guilty of repeated violations of the European Convention of Human Rights, while numerous U.N. resolutions have condemned the 1974 effort of 'ethnic cleansing' against Greek Cypriots.
------------
http://www.makarios.eu/cgibin/hweb?-A=283&-V=history
Κύπρος 1974
Κίσινγκερ προς Μόσχα: «Η Τουρκία δεν πρόκειται να κάνει τίποτε»
Φάκελος Κίσιγκερ
Διαβάστε επίσης
Τα δέκα σημεία της στρατηγικής Κίσινγκερ
Πονοκέφαλος η διάσωση του Μακαρίου
Σινιάλο Κίσινγκερ στον τουρκικό στόλο
Τα πλοία ανοιχτά της Κύπρου
Παπαφιλίππου κατά Μακαρίου στη Νέα Υόρκη
Κίσινγκερ «Είτε διπλή Ένωση είτε Κληρίδης»
Ο Κίσινγκερ παραπλάνησε ακόμη και τον Νίξον
Σίσκο: Χαμένη υπόθεση η λύση Κληρίδη
20ή Ιουλίου: Η διπλή Ένωση στην ατζέντα του Κίσινγκερ
Τα απόρρητα τηλεφωνήματα του Χένρι Κίσινγκερ
Πρόεδρο «μιας χρήσης» θεωρούσε τον Σαμψών
Η ΕΟΚ ήθελε Μακάριο, ο Κίσινγκερ τον Κληρίδη
Σινιάλο Κίσινγκερ στον τουρκικό στόλο
Κίσινγκερ προς Αθήνα: Μην αντισταθείτε στην τουρκική εισβολή!
Το πρώτο εξάμηνο του 1974 ήταν μια περίοδος συνεχών κρίσεων και οι τεχνοκράτες του Στέιτ Ντιπάρτμεντ προειδοποιούσαν την αμερικανική κυβέρνηση για τον κίνδυνο πραξικοπήματος. Ο Χένρι Κίσινγκερ ήταν ο πρώτος και ο μόνος υπουργός Εξωτερικών των ΗΠΑ, που ήταν ταυτόχρονα και πρόεδρος του Συμβουλίου Εθνικής Ασφαλείας, που έχει την αρμοδιότητα για τις συγκαλυμμένες επιχειρήσεις των μυστικών υπηρεσιών της χώρας σε όλο τον κόσμο. Την περίοδο εκείνη, λόγω του σκανδάλου Γουότεργκειτ, ο πρόεδρος Κίσινγκερ παρέπαιε πολιτικά και την εξωτερική πολιτική της χώρας τη διαχειριζόταν αποκλειστικά ο Κίσινγκερ. Όταν, δηλαδή, διαδραματίζονταν τα συγκλονιστικά γεγονότα στην Κύπρο, ο Κίσινγκερ ήταν αυτός που είχε τον πλήρη έλεγχο τόσο για τη διπλωματική διαχείριση της κρίσης, όσο και για τις δραστηριότητες των μυστικών υπηρεσιών. Ο Κίσινγκερ οικοδόμησε τη στρατηγική του στη διαχείριση της κρίσης στην Κύπρου στον κίνδυνο ανάμιξης της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης. Όμως, στην πραγματικότητα γνώριζε πως δεν υπήρχε κανένα σοβαρό ενδιαφέρον από τη Μόσχα, πέραν της φραστικής στήριξης της νομιμότητας στην Κύπρο. Δημοσιεύσαμε την αντίδραση της Μόσχας σε μια λανθασμένη πληροφορία περί στρατιωτικής επέμβασης της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης στην Κύπρο. Η κυβέρνηση της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης διαμήνυσε στον Κίσινγκερ πως η σχετική πληροφορία ήταν ύβρης κατά της χώρας. Σήμερα δημοσιεύουμε την πρώτη συνομιλία που Κίσινγκερ με τον πρέσβη της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης στην Ουάσιγκτον, Ανατόλι Ντομπρίνιν, μετά την εκδήλωση του πραξικοπήματος στην Κύπρο. Η συνομιλία αφορά τη διάσωση του Μακαρίου και την πρόθεση του να ζητήσει σύγκληση του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας των Ηνωμένων Εθνών. Ο Κίσινγκερ επιδίωκε να αποτρέψει κάθε προσπάθεια διεθνοποίησης του προβλήματος και επιζητούσε συντονισμό Ουάσιγκτον – Μόσχας για τους χειρισμούς.
Οι τηλεφωνικές συνδιαλέξεις μεταξύ Κίσινγκερ και Ντομπρίνιν γίνονταν σε ένα εξαιρετικά φιλικό κλίμα.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Γεια σου Χένρι. Ο Πρέσβης μας στην Κύπρο μόλις με έχει πληροφορήσει ότι ο Μακάριος ζει και βρίσκεται με τα στρατεύματα των Ηνωμένων Εθνών, βρίσκεται σε ένα άλλο μέρος.
* Κίσινγκερ: Το βλέπω ως ανεπίσημες πληροφορίες.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Αυτό μου έχει αναφέρει. Δεν γνωρίζω αν είναι επίσημο.
* Κίσινγκερ: Χαίρομαι που τηλεφώνησες. Μόλις ετοιμαζόμουνα να σου τηλεφωνήσω εγώ. Μόλις είχα μια ανεπίσημη αναφορά ότι βρίσκεται σε μια πόλη που ονομάζεται Πάφος.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Το άκουσα...
* Κίσινγκερ: Λοιπόν, πήραμε την πρώτη είδηση, το ίδιο. Αν αυτό ευσταθεί τότε η κατάσταση παίρνει άλλη τροπή.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Και λέει ότι έχει ζητήσει από το Γενικό Γραμματέα να καλέσει το Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας αύριο να συζητήσει και σύμφωνα με αυτή την πληροφορία που ο Πρέσβης έχει... σε αυτή την περιοχή, όπου ο Μακάριος βρίσκεται, είναι ήσυχα, εκεί όπου βρίσκεται ο Αρχιεπίσκοπος, αλλά στη Λευκωσία γίνονται άγριες μάχες. Αυτό μου ανέφερε.
* Κίσινγκερ: Για να δούμε αν μπορούμε να διατηρήσουμε τις κινήσεις μας συντονισμένες. Οι ΗΠΑ δεν έχουν μονομερή συμφέροντα εκεί. Και εμείς υποστηρίζουμε το υπάρχων Σύνταγμα. Μπορούμε να διατηρήσουμε επαφή μεταξύ μας πριν προβούμε σε οποιεσδήποτε δραστικές ενέργειες.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Θα στείλω ένα τηλεγράφημα που να λέει, ας συντονίσουμε τις ενέργειές μας.
* Κίσινγκερ: Υποστηρίζουμε την υπάρχουσα Συνταγματική διευθέτηση. Ας ελέγξουμε (μεταξύ μας) πριν να κάνουμε οτιδήποτε. Θα σε ενημερώσω αν σχεδιάζουμε οτιδήποτε. Δεν σχεδιάζουμε να κάνουμε οτιδήποτε μέχρι που να λάβουμε μια έκθεση αλλά έχουμε οριοθετήσει τις γραμμές που σου έχω πει.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Εντάξει Χένρι.
Ας συντονιστούμε…
Την επομένη ο Κίσινγκερ τηλεφώνησε με δική του πρωτοβουλία στον Ντομπρίνιν, τον ενημέρωσε για την κατάσταση στην Κύπρο και του ζήτησε να συντονιστούν μεταξύ τους οι δύο υπερδυνάμεις:
* Κίσινγκερ: Ανατόλι πώς είσαι;
* Ντομπρίνιν: Καλά, Χένρι.
* Κίσινγκερ: Ανατόλι, ακόμη δεν έχουμε απόλυτη επιβεβαίωση ότι ο Μακάριος έχει επιβιώσει αλλά υποψιαζόμαστε ότι αυτό συμβαίνει.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Οι πληροφορίες μας είναι ότι έχει επιβιώσει.
* Κίσινγκερ: Οι συγκρούσεις συνεχίζονται. Θα έχουμε μια συνάντηση σε 45 λεπτά και θα σου ξανατηλεφωνήσω όταν τελειώσει.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Ωραία. Υπάρχουν πληροφορίες ότι οι Βρετανοί και οι Τούρκοι σχεδιάζουν να κάνουν κάτι.
* Κίσινγκερ: Η Τουρκία ξέρουμε σίγουρα ότι δεν πρόκειται να κάνει κάτι. Και η Βρετανία δεν έχει αρκετά δυνατή κυβέρνηση. Τι κάνουν;
* Ντομπρίνιν: Δεν ξέρω. Αυτό ακούω στο ραδιόφωνο. Δεν έχω πληροφόρηση από τη Μόσχα.
Στις 17 Ιουλίου ο Κίσινγκερ ενημερώνει τον πρέσβη Ντομπρίνιν για την απόφαση του να στείλει τον Σίσκο ως απεσταλμένο του στην Ευρώπη:
* Κίσινγκερ: .... Ήθελα να σου πω ότι στέλνουμε τον Σίσκο στο Λονδίνο να μιλήσει με τους Βρετανούς και τους Τούρκους για την κατάσταση. Δεν θα υποστηρίξουμε το καθεστώς Σαμψών.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Αυτά είναι καλά νέα. ……….
* Κίσινγκερ: Πιστεύω ότι πρέπει να το παίξουμε με περιορισμούς. Δεν θα έχουμε επαφές με Έλληνες Συνταγματάρχες.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Αλήθεια, η κυβέρνησή μου, μου ζήτησε να σου πω ότι αναγνωρίζουν το γεγονός ότι οι ΗΠΑ είναι υπέρ της ανεξαρτησίας της Κύπρου και δεν υποστηρίζετε τις Ελληνικές ενέργειες οι οποίες είναι ενάντια στη νόμιμη κυβέρνηση της Κύπρου.
* Κίσινγκερ: Πιστεύω ότι το πρώτο είναι ορθό…
«Δεν κάνατε κάτι για το πραξικόπημα»
* Ντομπρίνιν: Καταλαβαίνω. Σε κάποια φάση εξέφρασαν την άποψη ότι... δεν κάνατε οποιαδήποτε πολιτικά βήματα για να σταματήσετε την επέμβαση... ότι δεν το κάνετε από την πλευρά σας και ελπίζουν οι εκπρόσωποι σας στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας θα...
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν είπε κάτι;
* Ντομπρίνιν: Δεν θέλατε να κάνετε οποιαδήποτε πολιτικά βήματα να σταματήσετε αυτή την επέμβαση. Θέλουν να ελπίζουν ότι εσείς και ο Πρόεδρος θα λάβετε υπόψη αυτά που αναφέραμε προηγουμένως και να λάβετε … να υποστηρίξετε τη νόμιμη κυβέρνηση στην Κύπρο με επικεφαλής τον Μακάριο. Αυτό εκφράζουν.
* Κίσινγκερ: Μπορώ να κάνω αυτή την εισήγηση. Ανατόλι, πιστεύω ότι η πορεία των γεγονότων, αν όλοι συμπεριφερθούμε με αυτοσυγκράτηση, θα οδηγήσει σε αυτή την κατεύθυνση, αλλά αν οποιοσδήποτε συμπεριφερθεί προκλητικά θα περιπλεχθεί στο θέμα Ανατολής - Δύσης.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Καταλαβαίνω.
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν έχουμε οποιοδήποτε συμφέρον να αλλάξουμε την κατάσταση όπως ήταν στο νησί τον περασμένο (μήνα). Το πρόβλημά μας είναι πώς να το θέσουμε ώστε τα φυσικά ισοζύγια να μην επηρεασθούν. Αυτό μπορείτε να τους το πείτε.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Δηλαδή, μπορώ να πω ότι ελπίζετε ότι η πορεία των γεγονότων θα οδηγήσει λίγο-λίγο στην αποκατάσταση.
* Κίσινγκερ: Βεβαίως. Στην αποκατάσταση μιας συνταγματικής κυβέρνησης.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Εντάξει.
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν θέλω να αποφασίσω πάνω σε ονόματα αλλά δεν έχουμε καθορισμένη άποψη πάνω σε αυτό.
* Κίσινγκερ: Εντάξει. Θα το αναφέρω αυτό στη Μόσχα.
Πώς ο Κίσινγκερ ματαίωσε τον καφέ του Μακάριου με τον γερουσιαστή Φούλμπραϊτ
Ο πρόεδρος της Επιτροπής Εξωτερικών Σχέσεων της Γερουσίας, δημοκρατικός γερουσιαστής Ουίλιαμ Φούλμπραϊτ, έτρεφε αντιπάθεια προς το ελληνικό καθεστώς και συχνά ήγειρε το θέμα της αποκατάστασης της δημοκρατίας στην Ελλάδα. Αμέσως μετά που έγινε γνωστό ότι ο Μακάριος ήταν ζωντανός και διέφυγε στο Λονδίνο, έχοντας τελικό προορισμό τα Ηνωμένα Έθνη, ο Φούλπράϊτ τον προσκάλεσε στην Επιτροπή Εξωτερικών Σχέσεων της Γερουσίας. Επίσης, ο Φούλμπραϊτ ζήτησε από τον Κίσινγκερ να συναντηθεί και ο ίδιος με τον Μακάριο. Ο Κίσινγκερ δεν επιθυμούσε τη συνάντηση, αλλά δεν του ήταν εύκολο να το αρνηθεί στον Φούλμπραϊτ. Τελικά, ο Κίσινγκερ έκλεισε συνάντηση με τον Μακάριο στις 22 Ιουλίου, 48 ώρες μετά την εισβολή. Ο Αμερικανός γερουσιαστής επικοινώνησε το μεσημέρι της 17ης Ιουλίου με τον Κίσινγκερ για να τον ενημερώσει για την πρόσκληση προς τον Μακάριο να επισκεφθεί την Επιτροπή Εξωτερικών της Γερουσίας. Ο Κίσινγκερ δεν αντίκρισε θετικά τις προθέσεις του Φούλμπραϊτ και του έκλεισε ραντεβού στο γραφείο του για να του εξηγήσει την αμερικανική θέση και προφανώς να τον μεταπείσει. Τελικά, η πρόσκληση του Φούλπραϊτ προς τον Μακάριο δεν αποστάληκε.
* Κίσινγκερ: Κύριε Πρόεδρε. Πώς είστε;
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Πολλά και ενδιαφέροντα. Σας τηλεφωνούσα για αυτή την κατάσταση με τους Έλληνες. Σκέφτομαι να προσκαλέσω τον Πρόεδρο της Κύπρου για καφέ. Αντιλαμβάνομαι έρχεται στη Νέα Υόρκη απόψε.
* Κίσινγκερ: Έρχεται απόψε;
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Αυτό έχω αντιληφθεί.
* Κίσινγκερ: Θα θέλατε να έρθετε για ένα ποτό απόψε και θα σας ενημερώσω… αυτό, ανεξαρτήτως του καφέ που θα έχετε μαζί του.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Όπως γνωρίζετε η Επιτροπή και εγώ δεν βλέπαμε με καλό μάτι τους Συνταγματάρχες, το γνωρίζετε αυτό. Έχω ετοιμάσει μια επιστολή προς εσάς. Είχαμε ακούσει ότι ήμασταν απρόθυμοι να πάρουμε το θέμα στα Ηνωμένα Έθνη. Είναι σωστό αυτό;
* Κίσινγκερ: Όχι. Αυτό που θέλουμε να κάνουμε είναι πρώτα να σταματήσουμε την πιθανότητα τουρκικής επέμβασης.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Είμαστε έτοιμοι για ένα εμπάργκο όπλων κατά την περίοδο αυτή;
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν έχει αναφερθεί αλλά δεν θα το βλέπαμε με κακό μάτι, ειδικά αν υπάρχει κλιμάκωση σε μια διεθνή αντιπαράθεση.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Μιλήσαμε για αυτό στην Επιτροπή χθες. Ο Πολ ήθελε να αποστείλει επιστολή τότε, αλλά πολλά από τα μέλη είχαν την άποψη ότι δεν ήταν καθαρό τότε και δεν μας εντυπωσίασε ιδιαίτερα έτσι κι αλλιώς. Ο σκοπός είναι απλά να δείξουμε κάποια ανησυχία από πλευράς της Επιτροπής την οποία είχαμε εδώ και πολύ καιρό. Γνωρίζεις το ιστορικό.
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν αντιτίθεμαι σε μια επιστολή από την Επιτροπή. Θα ήθελα όμως να σας ενημερώσω. Δεν το κάνω για να σας αποτρέψω από του να γράψετε την επιστολή. Αυτό είναι ένα εντελώς διαφορετικό θέμα. Εάν εσείς εκ μέρους της Επιτροπής θέλετε να γράψετε μια επιστολή με την οποία να εκφράζετε την ανησυχία σας θα ήταν εντάξει.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Σκέφτηκα να γράψω μια επιστολή με την οποία να εκφράζω ανησυχία. Αυτή είναι μια υφιστάμενη από μακρού χρόνου θέση όπως πολύ καλά γνωρίζεις. Έχουμε ψηφίσει αρκετές φορές πάνω στη συνεχιζόμενη προμήθεια όπλων. Ο φίλος σας ο Τομ Ντοντ διεξήγαγε αυτή τη μάχη εδώ και πολύ καιρό.
* Κίσινγκερ: Ο Ντοντ ήταν πολύ πριν από μένα.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Υπάρχει μια μακρά περίοδος αντίθεσης της Επιτροπής στην υποστήριξη προς τη δικτατορία στην Ελλάδα. Το συμβάν δεν ξέρω αν είναι πολύ σημαντικό, αλλά πιστεύουμε ότι πρέπει να το εκφράσουμε με αυτό τον έμμεσο ίσως τρόπο, απλά προσκαλώντας τον στην Επιτροπή για να ακούσουμε τη δική του εκδοχή. Πιστεύουμε ότι αυτό θα είχε ένα ευεργετικό αποτέλεσμα - αν είναι να έχει οποιοδήποτε αποτέλεσμα - μπορεί να περάσει απαρατήρητο.
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν θα περάσει χωρίς να σημειωθεί.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Τα αισθήματα, όπως τα διαπιστώνω της Επιτροπής - απλά σκεφτήκαμε να τον προσκαλέσουμε. Δεν τον προσκαλούμε στις ΗΠΑ. Θα βρίσκεται στα Ηνωμένα Έθνη. Τον προσκαλούμε για καφέ. Αυτό έχει ξαναγίνει, αλλά ίσως υπό διαφορετικές συνθήκες.
* Κίσινγκερ: Μπορείτε να περιμένετε μέχρι αύριο το πρωί, μέχρι που να έχουμε μια λίγο πιο καθαρή εικόνα;
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Θα ήταν πολύ αργά να τον προσκαλέσουμε για αύριο το απόγευμα. Τι θα λέγατε να με ενημερώσετε σήμερα το απόγευμα.
* Κίσινγκερ: Εντάξει. Ανεξάρτητα, περάστε στις 6.30 και επιτρέψετε μου να σας ενημερώσω και μπορείτε να παραδώσετε την επιστολή ανεξάρτητα.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Ωραία.
Μακάριος Δρουσιώτης
Πολίτης
20/07/2004
----------------
http://www.speroforum.com/a/19815/The-US-and-the-Making-of-Modern-Greece
The US and the Making of Modern Greece
Book review of The United States and the Making of Modern Greece: History and Power, 1950-1974, by James Edward Miller.
Tuesday, July 07, 2009
By John Brady Kiesling
The United States and the Making of Modern Greece: History and Power, 1950-1974. James Edward Miller (Chapel Hill 2009).
In the first essay I wrote for my first real English class in high school I used a quotation from G.B. Shaw: "Truth telling is not compatible with the defense of the realm." I was not an aspiring diplomat or strategic thinker then, and so I instinctively applied the quotation to the one case where it is actually true: the necessary lies we tell ourselves. Jim Miller might counter with Coventry Patmore's epitaph for the historical process: "When all its work is done, the lie shall rot;/ The truth is great, and shall prevail,/ When none cares whether it prevail or not."
For any English-speaking reader interested in an honest assessment of the U.S.-Greek relationship between 1950 and 1974, James E. Miller's new book, The United States and the Making of Modern Greece is the place to look. Miller gives as dispassionate and balanced an account as we are likely to get within the constraints of 211 tightly written pages (backed by another 70 of footnotes). The price is reasonable, and he tells a complex story efficiently, with pithy quotations and only mild, forgivable biases. Greek faith in CIA nefariousness notwithstanding, the odds are negligible that new documents will overturn any significant part of Miller's assessment. The largest hole to be filled in his analysis is due to the difficulty of access to equivalent Greek archival materials.
I got to know Miller at the Foreign Service Institute, where he had the duty of introducing U.S. diplomats and staff to the culture and politics of Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus. One of his other hats was as the editor for the Greece-Turkey-Cyprus volumes of Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), the State Department's official documentary history. In that capacity, Miller could read essentially all the relevant State Department files as well as other classified documents the CIA still refuses to release. In 2001, I served briefly as a sniper in his ultimately successful war with the CIA to release his FRUS volume as an intact historical work.
Miller documents the surprise and unhappiness the 1967 military coup provoked in Washington and the Embassy. A standard Greek response to such accounts is that the State Department did not make policy, that "real" U.S. policy was made by the CIA, or DIA, or darker agencies still. But all this has been denied strenuously and plausibly as well. Miller cites the long, rather plaintive op-ed then-Station Chief Jack Maury wrote for the Washington Post as soon as he was free to do so.
Miller rightly laments the U.S. government's failure immediately to rebut the rumor of U.S. involvement in or endorsement of the 1967 coup. He doubts the U.S. could have restored Greek democracy through threats or even concerted economic pressure. He emphasizes the toughness and fanaticism of the Colonels, and makes the case that coup leader Papadopoulos was the most unyielding Greek interlocutor the USG ever encountered.
Alas, the State Department was honest. It warned Nixon and Kissinger that the Junta would fall eventually, and that damage to U.S. interests from Greek perceptions of U.S. support for it would be serious. But the analysts' bottom line was that the relationship would survive. This is what Kissinger seized on with the decision to "normalize" relations with the Junta. Indeed a high price was paid (but not by Kissinger -- rumors of war-crimes charges brighten my day, but this is a pipedream). Five USG employees were murdered, many others had their cars torched, and the ordinary business of day-to-day diplomacy between two allies turned into endless, excruciating melodrama. But the sky did not fall. Someone should have lied to Kissinger that the sky would fall.
Miller has no illusions that his book will correct the myths current in Greece about the role of the "foreign finger." It is good to be reminded that "the image of U.S. ambassadors as proconsuls, an idea deeply ingrained in the Greek collective memory, recurrently revived by the Greek press, and thus probably not erasable, is in marked contrast with the realities of the early 1950s." (p25) Ambassador Peurifoy, still a byword for imperial manipulation, was actually rather clueless.
Andreas Papandreou is an outsized figure who causes the bars of any documentary cage to creak ominously. What Miller calls the "Andreas version" of Greek-U.S.-relations was exploited when necessary by the elder Karamanlis and all his successors as they rebuilt the maimed legitimacy of the Greek state by proving their independence from Washington. Distortion of the U.S. role in Greece continues to serve a variety of political and social agendas, some narrow and selfish, others (arguably) integral to Greece's spasmodic state-building process.
Predictably, much enjoyable material is buried in Miller's end notes. The gunfire around the Polytechnion on November 17, 1973 had been audible as far as the U.S. Embassy. One of my distinguished predecessors as political counsellor was unlucky enough to inform a visiting congressional delegation that "a small disturbance was taking place over curriculum issues" (p269, note 52). This remark helped undercut the credibility both of embassy reporting and of Ambassador Tasca (1970-74) as a promoter of democratic reforms.
Tasca, naively clutching at every crumb of hope dictator Papadopoulos or prime minister Markezinis offered him, comes off as a less unsympathetic figure than I expected. Tasca made himself persona non grata with Secretary of State Henry Kissinger by fervently urging 6th Fleet intervention to save Cyprus. Miller is properly tough in condemning Kissinger for diplomatic incompetence as well as ideological blindness.
Every historian of modern Greece owes a debt to Jim Miller, and this new book adds to it. His FRUS volumes are available on-line at http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/index.htm . These documents are a fascinating counterpart to the book, as are the oral histories of U.S. diplomats transcribed at http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ . The level of political analysis is high, and in many cases a passion for truth shines through the bureaucratic mask, even from Cold Warriors who, tragically, feared communism more than they loved freedom.
John Brady Kiesling is a former U.S. diplomat who resides in Greece. See his website here.
http://www.bradykiesling.com/
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http://www.rawstory.com/news/2007/Intelligence_officers_confirm_Kissinger_role_in_0626.html
New documents link Kissinger to two 1970s coups
Larisa Alexandrovna and Muriel Kane
Published: Tuesday June 26, 2007
Release of CIA’s ‘Family Jewels’ provides insight into political juggernaut and Bush Administration adviser
Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger pushed for the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus and allowed arms to be moved to Ankara for an attack on that island in reaction to a coup sponsored by the Greek junta, according to documents and intelligence officers with close knowledge of the event.
Nearly 700 pages of highly classified Central Intelligence Agency reports from the 1970's, known collectively as the "Family Jewels," are slated for public release today.
However, the National Security Archive had previously obtained four related documents through the Freedom of Information Act and made them public Friday.
“In all the world the things that hurt us the most are the CIA business and Turkey aid,” Kissinger declares in one of those documents, a White House memorandum of a conversation from Feb. 20, 1975. On the surface, the comment seems innocuous, but the context as well as the time period suggests Kissinger had abetted illegal financial aid and arms support to Turkey for its 1974 Cyprus invasion.
In July and August of 1974, Turkey staged a military invasion [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1021835.stm ] of the island nation of Cyprus, taking over nearly a third of the island and creating a divide between the south and north. Most historians consider that Kissinger – then Secretary of State and National Security Advisor to President Gerald Ford – not only knew about the planned attack on Cyprus, but encouraged it.
Some Greek Cypriots believed then [ http://www.greece.org/cyprus/Treason1.htm ], and still believe, that the invasion was a deliberate plot on the part of Britain and the US to maintain their influence on the island, which was particularly important as a listening post in the Eastern Mediterranean in the wake of the October 1973 War between Israel, Egypt, Jordan and Syria.
According to columnist Christopher Hitchens, author of the book The Trial of Henry Kissinger, "At the time, many Greeks believed that the significant thing was that [Prime Minister Bulent] Ecevit had been a pupil of Kissinger's at Harvard."
Several intelligence sources, who wished to remain anonymous to maintain the security of their identity, confirmed to RAW STORY that Kissinger both pushed for the Turkish invasion of Cyprus and allowed arms to be moved to Ankara.
However, a former CIA officer who was working in Turkey at the time, suggests that Kissinger's statement in the memorandum about Turkish aid likely means the Ford administration, following Kissinger’s advice, conducted business under the table with right-wing ultra-nationalist General Kenan Evren, who later dissolved Parliament and became the dictator of Turkey in a 1980 coup.
“The implication is that the US government was dealing directly with General Evren and circumventing the [democratically elected] Turkish government,” the former CIA officer said. “This was authorized by Kissinger, because they were nervous about Ecevit, who was a Social Democrat.”
“We technically cut off military aid for them,” the officer added, referring to an arms embargo passed by Congress after the invasion. “Technically… technically, but this would imply that the military and/or probably CIA aid continued even after the aid was cut off by Congress. This may substantively be what led to the overthrow eventually of Ecevit.”
According to the former CIA officer, Turkey’s democratically elected President Ecevit had good relations with the Johnson administration, but the Nixon administration, where Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State, had issues with Ecevit.
“I don't remember now what all the issues were,” the source said. “But I remember that the White House did not like Ecevit.”
Kissinger could not be reached for comment Monday.
Kissinger, Rumsfeld, and Cheney, then and now
Though no longer a government official, Kissinger remains a powerful force in Washington – particularly within the Bush Administration. Dr. Kissinger was the first choice by President Bush to lead a blue ribbon investigation into the attacks of September 11, 2001. However, he resigned shortly after the 9/11 Family Steering Committee had a private meeting with him at his Kissinger and Associates Inc. New York office and asked him point blank if he had any clients by the name of Bin Laden.
According to Monica Gabrielle, who lost her husband Richard in the attacks and who was present as part of the 12-member 9/11 Family Steering Committee during the private meeting, the White House seems to have overlooked Dr. Kissinger's apparent conflict of interest.
"We had the meeting with him... the whole Steering Committee, all 12 of us. Because we are basically doing our due diligence and asking for his client list to be released to see if there was a conflict of interest between his client list and potential areas of investigation," said Gabrielle during a Tuesday morning phone conversation, recounting the events of December 12, 2002. "We went back and forth with him, discussing his client list... asking him who was on it, if there were conflicts and so forth," she continued.
"Lorie [Van Auken] asked, do you have any Saudi clients on your list? And he got a blank look. Then Lorie asked, do you have any clients by the name of Bin Laden? And he was stuttering and mumbling, and finally said he would maybe, possibly consider releasing the client list to an attorney but not for the public."
Dr. Kissinger did not reveal his client list but withdrew his name the next day without public explanation.
In Bob Woodward’s State of Denial, Kissinger says he met regularly with Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney to offer advice about the war in Iraq. “Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy,” Kissinger said.
Cheney, along with former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, first came to prominence during the administration of President Ford. Rumsfeld had served in various posts under Nixon before being sent to Europe as the US ambassador to NATO in 1973, a period that included the Cyprus coup. When Ford became president on August 9, 1974, immediately preceding the second wave of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, Rumsfeld returned to Washington to serve as his chief of staff, while Cheney became deputy assistant to the president.
Rumsfeld and Cheney gained increasing influence under Ford, reaching their apex of power in November 1975 with a shakeup that saw Rumsfeld installed as Secretary of Defense, Dick Cheney as White House chief of staff, and George H.W. Bush replacing William Colby as CIA director.
Together, Rumsfeld and Cheney created a bubble not unlike the one that has enveloped President George W. Bush’s White House, surrounding Ford with a close knit group of advisors who worked to head off any possibility of openness about past misdeeds and to turn the administration sharply to the right.
The aid to Turkey referenced in Kissinger’s cryptic remark was precisely the subject of Congressional oversight on the Executive Branch in 1974-75. In a foreshadowing of how Iran Contra would play out a decade later, the White House violated both US and international law in providing arms and financing to the Turks for the Cyprus invasion.
The CIA, through various spokespeople, would not comment on how much additional information with regard to Kissinger, the attack on Cyprus, and the events leading up to the 1980 coup in Turkey with US support would be part of the declassified documents to come out this week. The only thing the agency would say is that “this was a different CIA at a different time,” and “people need to remember that.”
The Chile Coup
Around the time of President Nixon's resignation in August 1974, investigative reporter Seymour Hersh started hearing accounts of illegal foreign and domestic CIA activities. On December 20, 1974, Hersh confronted CIA Director William Colby and received confirmation of everything he had learned. Two days later, Hersh went public with the story.
The Family Jewels were described in a New York Times front page article titled “Huge C.I.A. Operation Reported in U.S. Against Antiwar Forces, Other Dissidents in Nixon Years.” According to Hersh, James Schlesinger, who served briefly as CIA director in 1973, had ordered the report in response to the crimes collectively known as Watergate.
Hersh's article stated, “An extensive investigation by the New York Times has established that intelligence files on at least 10,000 American citizens were maintained by a special unit of the C.I.A. that was reporting directly to Richard Helms, then the Director of Central Intelligence and now the Ambassador to Iran.”
Then-CIA director William Colby's initial impulse was to reveal everything in order to give the CIA a clean slate, but President Ford and Kissinger disagreed. By January 3, 1975 when Colby was summoned to the White House for a briefing, they had decided to keep the lid on by forming a blue ribbon commission under Vice President Nelson Rockefeller.
The "memorandum of conversation" document released by the National Security Archive, dated January 4, 1975, transcribes portions of a follow-up meeting between Ford and Kissinger the next day.
Kissinger complains to President Ford about Colby's urge to come clean, saying, "You will end up with a CIA that does only reporting, and not operations ... He has turned over to the FBI the whole of his operation."
Former CIA Director Helms "said all these stories are just the tip of the iceberg,” Kissinger continues, adding “If they come out, blood will flow." After offering a few examples, Kissinger concludes by remarking mysteriously, "The Chilean thing -- that is not in any report. That is sort of blackmail on me."
The meaning of this remark is far from clear, suggesting as it does that the 693 pages of the Family Jewels were only "the tip of the iceberg" and that among what was left out was a "Chilean thing" that Kissinger perceived as having the potential for blackmail on himself.
It has been known since the revelations of the 70's that prior to Chile's 1970 presidential elections, President Richard Nixon, Kissinger and Helms actively pursued ways to head off the victory of leftist Salvador Allende, including sponsoring an abortive military coup.
"I don't see why we need to stand by and watch a country go Communist because of the irresponsibility of its own people,” Kissinger famously said at the time.
After Allende was democratically elected and became president, the US put economic pressure on Chile and encouraged further military plots -- a two-pronged strategy similar to that currently being employed against Iran -- while Kissinger a continued to press for stronger action.
The CIA's Directorate of Operations was particularly active in Chile in 1972-73, the period leading up to Allende's violent overthrow in September 1973 in a military coup led by General Augusto Pinochet. Following the coup, Kissinger strongly supported the new authoritarian government.
After Helms left the CIA in 1973 to become ambassador to Iran, he offered a series of vague denials when asked about CIA involvement in Chile. Among Helms' claims were "that the CIA hadn't given money directly to Allende's opponents, that the CIA didn't try to fix the vote in the Chilean Congress because investigation had shown it couldn't be arranged, that the CIA didn't try to overthrow the Chilean government because the Agency failed to find anyone who could really do it."
In 1977, Helms was convicted of perjury for his statements and given a two-year suspended sentence and a fine that was paid by his friends from the CIA. As with the more recent perjury of Vice President Cheney’s former chief of staff Scooter Libby's concerning the outing of a CIA officer, Helms' had lies served the purpose of protecting his superiors, notably Kissinger.
However, in Prelude to Terror, historian Joseph Trento offers a somewhat different account of Helms' actions, suggesting a deeper Kissinger involvement.
"From Iran, Helms heard enough about the criminal investigation to issue a threat through his old colleague Tom Braden,” Trento writes. “Braden remembered Helms saying, 'If I am going to be charged, then I will reveal Kissinger's role in these operations.'" Trento adds in a footnote that "Helms himself confided to old friend and CIA colleague (from Iran) Tom Braden that he would resort to [revealing embarrassing state secrets] and 'bring down Henry Kissinger' in the process."
Even apart from Trento's assertions, Kissinger's concern with "the Chilean thing -- that is not in any report" hints at involvement in the 1973 coup. But if Trento's claims are accurate, Kissinger might also have been referring to a threat by Helms to bring him down, both in his remark that "Helms said all these stories are just the tip of the iceberg. If they come out, blood will flow," and in his cryptic description of "the Chilean thing" as "sort of blackmail on me."
(In the original version of this article, the name of Kissinger & Associates was erroneously linked to the website of Kissinger Associates, Inc., an accounting software company in Centerport, PA with no connection to either Henry Kissinger or Kissinger & Associates. We apologize for the error.)
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http://www.makarios.eu/cgibin/hweb?-A=283&-V=history
Κύπρος 1974
Κίσινγκερ προς Μόσχα: «Η Τουρκία δεν πρόκειται να κάνει τίποτε»
Φάκελος Κίσιγκερ
Διαβάστε επίσης
Τα δέκα σημεία της στρατηγικής Κίσινγκερ
Πονοκέφαλος η διάσωση του Μακαρίου
Σινιάλο Κίσινγκερ στον τουρκικό στόλο
Τα πλοία ανοιχτά της Κύπρου
Παπαφιλίππου κατά Μακαρίου στη Νέα Υόρκη
Κίσινγκερ «Είτε διπλή Ένωση είτε Κληρίδης»
Ο Κίσινγκερ παραπλάνησε ακόμη και τον Νίξον
Σίσκο: Χαμένη υπόθεση η λύση Κληρίδη
20ή Ιουλίου: Η διπλή Ένωση στην ατζέντα του Κίσινγκερ
Τα απόρρητα τηλεφωνήματα του Χένρι Κίσινγκερ
Πρόεδρο «μιας χρήσης» θεωρούσε τον Σαμψών
Η ΕΟΚ ήθελε Μακάριο, ο Κίσινγκερ τον Κληρίδη
Σινιάλο Κίσινγκερ στον τουρκικό στόλο
Κίσινγκερ προς Αθήνα: Μην αντισταθείτε στην τουρκική εισβολή!
Το πρώτο εξάμηνο του 1974 ήταν μια περίοδος συνεχών κρίσεων και οι τεχνοκράτες του Στέιτ Ντιπάρτμεντ προειδοποιούσαν την αμερικανική κυβέρνηση για τον κίνδυνο πραξικοπήματος. Ο Χένρι Κίσινγκερ ήταν ο πρώτος και ο μόνος υπουργός Εξωτερικών των ΗΠΑ, που ήταν ταυτόχρονα και πρόεδρος του Συμβουλίου Εθνικής Ασφαλείας, που έχει την αρμοδιότητα για τις συγκαλυμμένες επιχειρήσεις των μυστικών υπηρεσιών της χώρας σε όλο τον κόσμο. Την περίοδο εκείνη, λόγω του σκανδάλου Γουότεργκειτ, ο πρόεδρος Κίσινγκερ παρέπαιε πολιτικά και την εξωτερική πολιτική της χώρας τη διαχειριζόταν αποκλειστικά ο Κίσινγκερ. Όταν, δηλαδή, διαδραματίζονταν τα συγκλονιστικά γεγονότα στην Κύπρο, ο Κίσινγκερ ήταν αυτός που είχε τον πλήρη έλεγχο τόσο για τη διπλωματική διαχείριση της κρίσης, όσο και για τις δραστηριότητες των μυστικών υπηρεσιών. Ο Κίσινγκερ οικοδόμησε τη στρατηγική του στη διαχείριση της κρίσης στην Κύπρου στον κίνδυνο ανάμιξης της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης. Όμως, στην πραγματικότητα γνώριζε πως δεν υπήρχε κανένα σοβαρό ενδιαφέρον από τη Μόσχα, πέραν της φραστικής στήριξης της νομιμότητας στην Κύπρο. Δημοσιεύσαμε την αντίδραση της Μόσχας σε μια λανθασμένη πληροφορία περί στρατιωτικής επέμβασης της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης στην Κύπρο. Η κυβέρνηση της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης διαμήνυσε στον Κίσινγκερ πως η σχετική πληροφορία ήταν ύβρης κατά της χώρας. Σήμερα δημοσιεύουμε την πρώτη συνομιλία που Κίσινγκερ με τον πρέσβη της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης στην Ουάσιγκτον, Ανατόλι Ντομπρίνιν, μετά την εκδήλωση του πραξικοπήματος στην Κύπρο. Η συνομιλία αφορά τη διάσωση του Μακαρίου και την πρόθεση του να ζητήσει σύγκληση του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας των Ηνωμένων Εθνών. Ο Κίσινγκερ επιδίωκε να αποτρέψει κάθε προσπάθεια διεθνοποίησης του προβλήματος και επιζητούσε συντονισμό Ουάσιγκτον – Μόσχας για τους χειρισμούς.
Οι τηλεφωνικές συνδιαλέξεις μεταξύ Κίσινγκερ και Ντομπρίνιν γίνονταν σε ένα εξαιρετικά φιλικό κλίμα.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Γεια σου Χένρι. Ο Πρέσβης μας στην Κύπρο μόλις με έχει πληροφορήσει ότι ο Μακάριος ζει και βρίσκεται με τα στρατεύματα των Ηνωμένων Εθνών, βρίσκεται σε ένα άλλο μέρος.
* Κίσινγκερ: Το βλέπω ως ανεπίσημες πληροφορίες.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Αυτό μου έχει αναφέρει. Δεν γνωρίζω αν είναι επίσημο.
* Κίσινγκερ: Χαίρομαι που τηλεφώνησες. Μόλις ετοιμαζόμουνα να σου τηλεφωνήσω εγώ. Μόλις είχα μια ανεπίσημη αναφορά ότι βρίσκεται σε μια πόλη που ονομάζεται Πάφος.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Το άκουσα...
* Κίσινγκερ: Λοιπόν, πήραμε την πρώτη είδηση, το ίδιο. Αν αυτό ευσταθεί τότε η κατάσταση παίρνει άλλη τροπή.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Και λέει ότι έχει ζητήσει από το Γενικό Γραμματέα να καλέσει το Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας αύριο να συζητήσει και σύμφωνα με αυτή την πληροφορία που ο Πρέσβης έχει... σε αυτή την περιοχή, όπου ο Μακάριος βρίσκεται, είναι ήσυχα, εκεί όπου βρίσκεται ο Αρχιεπίσκοπος, αλλά στη Λευκωσία γίνονται άγριες μάχες. Αυτό μου ανέφερε.
* Κίσινγκερ: Για να δούμε αν μπορούμε να διατηρήσουμε τις κινήσεις μας συντονισμένες. Οι ΗΠΑ δεν έχουν μονομερή συμφέροντα εκεί. Και εμείς υποστηρίζουμε το υπάρχων Σύνταγμα. Μπορούμε να διατηρήσουμε επαφή μεταξύ μας πριν προβούμε σε οποιεσδήποτε δραστικές ενέργειες.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Θα στείλω ένα τηλεγράφημα που να λέει, ας συντονίσουμε τις ενέργειές μας.
* Κίσινγκερ: Υποστηρίζουμε την υπάρχουσα Συνταγματική διευθέτηση. Ας ελέγξουμε (μεταξύ μας) πριν να κάνουμε οτιδήποτε. Θα σε ενημερώσω αν σχεδιάζουμε οτιδήποτε. Δεν σχεδιάζουμε να κάνουμε οτιδήποτε μέχρι που να λάβουμε μια έκθεση αλλά έχουμε οριοθετήσει τις γραμμές που σου έχω πει.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Εντάξει Χένρι.
Ας συντονιστούμε…
Την επομένη ο Κίσινγκερ τηλεφώνησε με δική του πρωτοβουλία στον Ντομπρίνιν, τον ενημέρωσε για την κατάσταση στην Κύπρο και του ζήτησε να συντονιστούν μεταξύ τους οι δύο υπερδυνάμεις:
* Κίσινγκερ: Ανατόλι πώς είσαι;
* Ντομπρίνιν: Καλά, Χένρι.
* Κίσινγκερ: Ανατόλι, ακόμη δεν έχουμε απόλυτη επιβεβαίωση ότι ο Μακάριος έχει επιβιώσει αλλά υποψιαζόμαστε ότι αυτό συμβαίνει.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Οι πληροφορίες μας είναι ότι έχει επιβιώσει.
* Κίσινγκερ: Οι συγκρούσεις συνεχίζονται. Θα έχουμε μια συνάντηση σε 45 λεπτά και θα σου ξανατηλεφωνήσω όταν τελειώσει.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Ωραία. Υπάρχουν πληροφορίες ότι οι Βρετανοί και οι Τούρκοι σχεδιάζουν να κάνουν κάτι.
* Κίσινγκερ: Η Τουρκία ξέρουμε σίγουρα ότι δεν πρόκειται να κάνει κάτι. Και η Βρετανία δεν έχει αρκετά δυνατή κυβέρνηση. Τι κάνουν;
* Ντομπρίνιν: Δεν ξέρω. Αυτό ακούω στο ραδιόφωνο. Δεν έχω πληροφόρηση από τη Μόσχα.
Στις 17 Ιουλίου ο Κίσινγκερ ενημερώνει τον πρέσβη Ντομπρίνιν για την απόφαση του να στείλει τον Σίσκο ως απεσταλμένο του στην Ευρώπη:
* Κίσινγκερ: .... Ήθελα να σου πω ότι στέλνουμε τον Σίσκο στο Λονδίνο να μιλήσει με τους Βρετανούς και τους Τούρκους για την κατάσταση. Δεν θα υποστηρίξουμε το καθεστώς Σαμψών.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Αυτά είναι καλά νέα. ……….
* Κίσινγκερ: Πιστεύω ότι πρέπει να το παίξουμε με περιορισμούς. Δεν θα έχουμε επαφές με Έλληνες Συνταγματάρχες.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Αλήθεια, η κυβέρνησή μου, μου ζήτησε να σου πω ότι αναγνωρίζουν το γεγονός ότι οι ΗΠΑ είναι υπέρ της ανεξαρτησίας της Κύπρου και δεν υποστηρίζετε τις Ελληνικές ενέργειες οι οποίες είναι ενάντια στη νόμιμη κυβέρνηση της Κύπρου.
* Κίσινγκερ: Πιστεύω ότι το πρώτο είναι ορθό…
«Δεν κάνατε κάτι για το πραξικόπημα»
* Ντομπρίνιν: Καταλαβαίνω. Σε κάποια φάση εξέφρασαν την άποψη ότι... δεν κάνατε οποιαδήποτε πολιτικά βήματα για να σταματήσετε την επέμβαση... ότι δεν το κάνετε από την πλευρά σας και ελπίζουν οι εκπρόσωποι σας στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας θα...
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν είπε κάτι;
* Ντομπρίνιν: Δεν θέλατε να κάνετε οποιαδήποτε πολιτικά βήματα να σταματήσετε αυτή την επέμβαση. Θέλουν να ελπίζουν ότι εσείς και ο Πρόεδρος θα λάβετε υπόψη αυτά που αναφέραμε προηγουμένως και να λάβετε … να υποστηρίξετε τη νόμιμη κυβέρνηση στην Κύπρο με επικεφαλής τον Μακάριο. Αυτό εκφράζουν.
* Κίσινγκερ: Μπορώ να κάνω αυτή την εισήγηση. Ανατόλι, πιστεύω ότι η πορεία των γεγονότων, αν όλοι συμπεριφερθούμε με αυτοσυγκράτηση, θα οδηγήσει σε αυτή την κατεύθυνση, αλλά αν οποιοσδήποτε συμπεριφερθεί προκλητικά θα περιπλεχθεί στο θέμα Ανατολής - Δύσης.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Καταλαβαίνω.
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν έχουμε οποιοδήποτε συμφέρον να αλλάξουμε την κατάσταση όπως ήταν στο νησί τον περασμένο (μήνα). Το πρόβλημά μας είναι πώς να το θέσουμε ώστε τα φυσικά ισοζύγια να μην επηρεασθούν. Αυτό μπορείτε να τους το πείτε.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Δηλαδή, μπορώ να πω ότι ελπίζετε ότι η πορεία των γεγονότων θα οδηγήσει λίγο-λίγο στην αποκατάσταση.
* Κίσινγκερ: Βεβαίως. Στην αποκατάσταση μιας συνταγματικής κυβέρνησης.
* Ντομπρίνιν: Εντάξει.
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν θέλω να αποφασίσω πάνω σε ονόματα αλλά δεν έχουμε καθορισμένη άποψη πάνω σε αυτό.
* Κίσινγκερ: Εντάξει. Θα το αναφέρω αυτό στη Μόσχα.
Πώς ο Κίσινγκερ ματαίωσε τον καφέ του Μακάριου με τον γερουσιαστή Φούλμπραϊτ
Ο πρόεδρος της Επιτροπής Εξωτερικών Σχέσεων της Γερουσίας, δημοκρατικός γερουσιαστής Ουίλιαμ Φούλμπραϊτ, έτρεφε αντιπάθεια προς το ελληνικό καθεστώς και συχνά ήγειρε το θέμα της αποκατάστασης της δημοκρατίας στην Ελλάδα. Αμέσως μετά που έγινε γνωστό ότι ο Μακάριος ήταν ζωντανός και διέφυγε στο Λονδίνο, έχοντας τελικό προορισμό τα Ηνωμένα Έθνη, ο Φούλπράϊτ τον προσκάλεσε στην Επιτροπή Εξωτερικών Σχέσεων της Γερουσίας. Επίσης, ο Φούλμπραϊτ ζήτησε από τον Κίσινγκερ να συναντηθεί και ο ίδιος με τον Μακάριο. Ο Κίσινγκερ δεν επιθυμούσε τη συνάντηση, αλλά δεν του ήταν εύκολο να το αρνηθεί στον Φούλμπραϊτ. Τελικά, ο Κίσινγκερ έκλεισε συνάντηση με τον Μακάριο στις 22 Ιουλίου, 48 ώρες μετά την εισβολή. Ο Αμερικανός γερουσιαστής επικοινώνησε το μεσημέρι της 17ης Ιουλίου με τον Κίσινγκερ για να τον ενημερώσει για την πρόσκληση προς τον Μακάριο να επισκεφθεί την Επιτροπή Εξωτερικών της Γερουσίας. Ο Κίσινγκερ δεν αντίκρισε θετικά τις προθέσεις του Φούλμπραϊτ και του έκλεισε ραντεβού στο γραφείο του για να του εξηγήσει την αμερικανική θέση και προφανώς να τον μεταπείσει. Τελικά, η πρόσκληση του Φούλπραϊτ προς τον Μακάριο δεν αποστάληκε.
* Κίσινγκερ: Κύριε Πρόεδρε. Πώς είστε;
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Πολλά και ενδιαφέροντα. Σας τηλεφωνούσα για αυτή την κατάσταση με τους Έλληνες. Σκέφτομαι να προσκαλέσω τον Πρόεδρο της Κύπρου για καφέ. Αντιλαμβάνομαι έρχεται στη Νέα Υόρκη απόψε.
* Κίσινγκερ: Έρχεται απόψε;
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Αυτό έχω αντιληφθεί.
* Κίσινγκερ: Θα θέλατε να έρθετε για ένα ποτό απόψε και θα σας ενημερώσω… αυτό, ανεξαρτήτως του καφέ που θα έχετε μαζί του.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Όπως γνωρίζετε η Επιτροπή και εγώ δεν βλέπαμε με καλό μάτι τους Συνταγματάρχες, το γνωρίζετε αυτό. Έχω ετοιμάσει μια επιστολή προς εσάς. Είχαμε ακούσει ότι ήμασταν απρόθυμοι να πάρουμε το θέμα στα Ηνωμένα Έθνη. Είναι σωστό αυτό;
* Κίσινγκερ: Όχι. Αυτό που θέλουμε να κάνουμε είναι πρώτα να σταματήσουμε την πιθανότητα τουρκικής επέμβασης.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Είμαστε έτοιμοι για ένα εμπάργκο όπλων κατά την περίοδο αυτή;
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν έχει αναφερθεί αλλά δεν θα το βλέπαμε με κακό μάτι, ειδικά αν υπάρχει κλιμάκωση σε μια διεθνή αντιπαράθεση.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Μιλήσαμε για αυτό στην Επιτροπή χθες. Ο Πολ ήθελε να αποστείλει επιστολή τότε, αλλά πολλά από τα μέλη είχαν την άποψη ότι δεν ήταν καθαρό τότε και δεν μας εντυπωσίασε ιδιαίτερα έτσι κι αλλιώς. Ο σκοπός είναι απλά να δείξουμε κάποια ανησυχία από πλευράς της Επιτροπής την οποία είχαμε εδώ και πολύ καιρό. Γνωρίζεις το ιστορικό.
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν αντιτίθεμαι σε μια επιστολή από την Επιτροπή. Θα ήθελα όμως να σας ενημερώσω. Δεν το κάνω για να σας αποτρέψω από του να γράψετε την επιστολή. Αυτό είναι ένα εντελώς διαφορετικό θέμα. Εάν εσείς εκ μέρους της Επιτροπής θέλετε να γράψετε μια επιστολή με την οποία να εκφράζετε την ανησυχία σας θα ήταν εντάξει.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Σκέφτηκα να γράψω μια επιστολή με την οποία να εκφράζω ανησυχία. Αυτή είναι μια υφιστάμενη από μακρού χρόνου θέση όπως πολύ καλά γνωρίζεις. Έχουμε ψηφίσει αρκετές φορές πάνω στη συνεχιζόμενη προμήθεια όπλων. Ο φίλος σας ο Τομ Ντοντ διεξήγαγε αυτή τη μάχη εδώ και πολύ καιρό.
* Κίσινγκερ: Ο Ντοντ ήταν πολύ πριν από μένα.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Υπάρχει μια μακρά περίοδος αντίθεσης της Επιτροπής στην υποστήριξη προς τη δικτατορία στην Ελλάδα. Το συμβάν δεν ξέρω αν είναι πολύ σημαντικό, αλλά πιστεύουμε ότι πρέπει να το εκφράσουμε με αυτό τον έμμεσο ίσως τρόπο, απλά προσκαλώντας τον στην Επιτροπή για να ακούσουμε τη δική του εκδοχή. Πιστεύουμε ότι αυτό θα είχε ένα ευεργετικό αποτέλεσμα - αν είναι να έχει οποιοδήποτε αποτέλεσμα - μπορεί να περάσει απαρατήρητο.
* Κίσινγκερ: Δεν θα περάσει χωρίς να σημειωθεί.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Τα αισθήματα, όπως τα διαπιστώνω της Επιτροπής - απλά σκεφτήκαμε να τον προσκαλέσουμε. Δεν τον προσκαλούμε στις ΗΠΑ. Θα βρίσκεται στα Ηνωμένα Έθνη. Τον προσκαλούμε για καφέ. Αυτό έχει ξαναγίνει, αλλά ίσως υπό διαφορετικές συνθήκες.
* Κίσινγκερ: Μπορείτε να περιμένετε μέχρι αύριο το πρωί, μέχρι που να έχουμε μια λίγο πιο καθαρή εικόνα;
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Θα ήταν πολύ αργά να τον προσκαλέσουμε για αύριο το απόγευμα. Τι θα λέγατε να με ενημερώσετε σήμερα το απόγευμα.
* Κίσινγκερ: Εντάξει. Ανεξάρτητα, περάστε στις 6.30 και επιτρέψετε μου να σας ενημερώσω και μπορείτε να παραδώσετε την επιστολή ανεξάρτητα.
* Φούλμπραϊτ: Ωραία.
Μακάριος Δρουσιώτης
Πολίτης
20/07/2004
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http://www.speroforum.com/a/19815/The-US-and-the-Making-of-Modern-Greece
The US and the Making of Modern Greece
Book review of The United States and the Making of Modern Greece: History and Power, 1950-1974, by James Edward Miller.
Tuesday, July 07, 2009
By John Brady Kiesling
The United States and the Making of Modern Greece: History and Power, 1950-1974. James Edward Miller (Chapel Hill 2009).
In the first essay I wrote for my first real English class in high school I used a quotation from G.B. Shaw: "Truth telling is not compatible with the defense of the realm." I was not an aspiring diplomat or strategic thinker then, and so I instinctively applied the quotation to the one case where it is actually true: the necessary lies we tell ourselves. Jim Miller might counter with Coventry Patmore's epitaph for the historical process: "When all its work is done, the lie shall rot;/ The truth is great, and shall prevail,/ When none cares whether it prevail or not."
For any English-speaking reader interested in an honest assessment of the U.S.-Greek relationship between 1950 and 1974, James E. Miller's new book, The United States and the Making of Modern Greece is the place to look. Miller gives as dispassionate and balanced an account as we are likely to get within the constraints of 211 tightly written pages (backed by another 70 of footnotes). The price is reasonable, and he tells a complex story efficiently, with pithy quotations and only mild, forgivable biases. Greek faith in CIA nefariousness notwithstanding, the odds are negligible that new documents will overturn any significant part of Miller's assessment. The largest hole to be filled in his analysis is due to the difficulty of access to equivalent Greek archival materials.
I got to know Miller at the Foreign Service Institute, where he had the duty of introducing U.S. diplomats and staff to the culture and politics of Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus. One of his other hats was as the editor for the Greece-Turkey-Cyprus volumes of Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), the State Department's official documentary history. In that capacity, Miller could read essentially all the relevant State Department files as well as other classified documents the CIA still refuses to release. In 2001, I served briefly as a sniper in his ultimately successful war with the CIA to release his FRUS volume as an intact historical work.
Miller documents the surprise and unhappiness the 1967 military coup provoked in Washington and the Embassy. A standard Greek response to such accounts is that the State Department did not make policy, that "real" U.S. policy was made by the CIA, or DIA, or darker agencies still. But all this has been denied strenuously and plausibly as well. Miller cites the long, rather plaintive op-ed then-Station Chief Jack Maury wrote for the Washington Post as soon as he was free to do so.
Miller rightly laments the U.S. government's failure immediately to rebut the rumor of U.S. involvement in or endorsement of the 1967 coup. He doubts the U.S. could have restored Greek democracy through threats or even concerted economic pressure. He emphasizes the toughness and fanaticism of the Colonels, and makes the case that coup leader Papadopoulos was the most unyielding Greek interlocutor the USG ever encountered.
Alas, the State Department was honest. It warned Nixon and Kissinger that the Junta would fall eventually, and that damage to U.S. interests from Greek perceptions of U.S. support for it would be serious. But the analysts' bottom line was that the relationship would survive. This is what Kissinger seized on with the decision to "normalize" relations with the Junta. Indeed a high price was paid (but not by Kissinger -- rumors of war-crimes charges brighten my day, but this is a pipedream). Five USG employees were murdered, many others had their cars torched, and the ordinary business of day-to-day diplomacy between two allies turned into endless, excruciating melodrama. But the sky did not fall. Someone should have lied to Kissinger that the sky would fall.
Miller has no illusions that his book will correct the myths current in Greece about the role of the "foreign finger." It is good to be reminded that "the image of U.S. ambassadors as proconsuls, an idea deeply ingrained in the Greek collective memory, recurrently revived by the Greek press, and thus probably not erasable, is in marked contrast with the realities of the early 1950s." (p25) Ambassador Peurifoy, still a byword for imperial manipulation, was actually rather clueless.
Andreas Papandreou is an outsized figure who causes the bars of any documentary cage to creak ominously. What Miller calls the "Andreas version" of Greek-U.S.-relations was exploited when necessary by the elder Karamanlis and all his successors as they rebuilt the maimed legitimacy of the Greek state by proving their independence from Washington. Distortion of the U.S. role in Greece continues to serve a variety of political and social agendas, some narrow and selfish, others (arguably) integral to Greece's spasmodic state-building process.
Predictably, much enjoyable material is buried in Miller's end notes. The gunfire around the Polytechnion on November 17, 1973 had been audible as far as the U.S. Embassy. One of my distinguished predecessors as political counsellor was unlucky enough to inform a visiting congressional delegation that "a small disturbance was taking place over curriculum issues" (p269, note 52). This remark helped undercut the credibility both of embassy reporting and of Ambassador Tasca (1970-74) as a promoter of democratic reforms.
Tasca, naively clutching at every crumb of hope dictator Papadopoulos or prime minister Markezinis offered him, comes off as a less unsympathetic figure than I expected. Tasca made himself persona non grata with Secretary of State Henry Kissinger by fervently urging 6th Fleet intervention to save Cyprus. Miller is properly tough in condemning Kissinger for diplomatic incompetence as well as ideological blindness.
Every historian of modern Greece owes a debt to Jim Miller, and this new book adds to it. His FRUS volumes are available on-line at http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/index.htm . These documents are a fascinating counterpart to the book, as are the oral histories of U.S. diplomats transcribed at http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ . The level of political analysis is high, and in many cases a passion for truth shines through the bureaucratic mask, even from Cold Warriors who, tragically, feared communism more than they loved freedom.
John Brady Kiesling is a former U.S. diplomat who resides in Greece. See his website here.
http://www.bradykiesling.com/
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http://www.rawstory.com/news/2007/Intelligence_officers_confirm_Kissinger_role_in_0626.html
New documents link Kissinger to two 1970s coups
Larisa Alexandrovna and Muriel Kane
Published: Tuesday June 26, 2007
Release of CIA’s ‘Family Jewels’ provides insight into political juggernaut and Bush Administration adviser
Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger pushed for the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus and allowed arms to be moved to Ankara for an attack on that island in reaction to a coup sponsored by the Greek junta, according to documents and intelligence officers with close knowledge of the event.
Nearly 700 pages of highly classified Central Intelligence Agency reports from the 1970's, known collectively as the "Family Jewels," are slated for public release today.
However, the National Security Archive had previously obtained four related documents through the Freedom of Information Act and made them public Friday.
“In all the world the things that hurt us the most are the CIA business and Turkey aid,” Kissinger declares in one of those documents, a White House memorandum of a conversation from Feb. 20, 1975. On the surface, the comment seems innocuous, but the context as well as the time period suggests Kissinger had abetted illegal financial aid and arms support to Turkey for its 1974 Cyprus invasion.
In July and August of 1974, Turkey staged a military invasion [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1021835.stm ] of the island nation of Cyprus, taking over nearly a third of the island and creating a divide between the south and north. Most historians consider that Kissinger – then Secretary of State and National Security Advisor to President Gerald Ford – not only knew about the planned attack on Cyprus, but encouraged it.
Some Greek Cypriots believed then [ http://www.greece.org/cyprus/Treason1.htm ], and still believe, that the invasion was a deliberate plot on the part of Britain and the US to maintain their influence on the island, which was particularly important as a listening post in the Eastern Mediterranean in the wake of the October 1973 War between Israel, Egypt, Jordan and Syria.
According to columnist Christopher Hitchens, author of the book The Trial of Henry Kissinger, "At the time, many Greeks believed that the significant thing was that [Prime Minister Bulent] Ecevit had been a pupil of Kissinger's at Harvard."
Several intelligence sources, who wished to remain anonymous to maintain the security of their identity, confirmed to RAW STORY that Kissinger both pushed for the Turkish invasion of Cyprus and allowed arms to be moved to Ankara.
However, a former CIA officer who was working in Turkey at the time, suggests that Kissinger's statement in the memorandum about Turkish aid likely means the Ford administration, following Kissinger’s advice, conducted business under the table with right-wing ultra-nationalist General Kenan Evren, who later dissolved Parliament and became the dictator of Turkey in a 1980 coup.
“The implication is that the US government was dealing directly with General Evren and circumventing the [democratically elected] Turkish government,” the former CIA officer said. “This was authorized by Kissinger, because they were nervous about Ecevit, who was a Social Democrat.”
“We technically cut off military aid for them,” the officer added, referring to an arms embargo passed by Congress after the invasion. “Technically… technically, but this would imply that the military and/or probably CIA aid continued even after the aid was cut off by Congress. This may substantively be what led to the overthrow eventually of Ecevit.”
According to the former CIA officer, Turkey’s democratically elected President Ecevit had good relations with the Johnson administration, but the Nixon administration, where Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State, had issues with Ecevit.
“I don't remember now what all the issues were,” the source said. “But I remember that the White House did not like Ecevit.”
Kissinger could not be reached for comment Monday.
Kissinger, Rumsfeld, and Cheney, then and now
Though no longer a government official, Kissinger remains a powerful force in Washington – particularly within the Bush Administration. Dr. Kissinger was the first choice by President Bush to lead a blue ribbon investigation into the attacks of September 11, 2001. However, he resigned shortly after the 9/11 Family Steering Committee had a private meeting with him at his Kissinger and Associates Inc. New York office and asked him point blank if he had any clients by the name of Bin Laden.
According to Monica Gabrielle, who lost her husband Richard in the attacks and who was present as part of the 12-member 9/11 Family Steering Committee during the private meeting, the White House seems to have overlooked Dr. Kissinger's apparent conflict of interest.
"We had the meeting with him... the whole Steering Committee, all 12 of us. Because we are basically doing our due diligence and asking for his client list to be released to see if there was a conflict of interest between his client list and potential areas of investigation," said Gabrielle during a Tuesday morning phone conversation, recounting the events of December 12, 2002. "We went back and forth with him, discussing his client list... asking him who was on it, if there were conflicts and so forth," she continued.
"Lorie [Van Auken] asked, do you have any Saudi clients on your list? And he got a blank look. Then Lorie asked, do you have any clients by the name of Bin Laden? And he was stuttering and mumbling, and finally said he would maybe, possibly consider releasing the client list to an attorney but not for the public."
Dr. Kissinger did not reveal his client list but withdrew his name the next day without public explanation.
In Bob Woodward’s State of Denial, Kissinger says he met regularly with Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney to offer advice about the war in Iraq. “Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy,” Kissinger said.
Cheney, along with former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, first came to prominence during the administration of President Ford. Rumsfeld had served in various posts under Nixon before being sent to Europe as the US ambassador to NATO in 1973, a period that included the Cyprus coup. When Ford became president on August 9, 1974, immediately preceding the second wave of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, Rumsfeld returned to Washington to serve as his chief of staff, while Cheney became deputy assistant to the president.
Rumsfeld and Cheney gained increasing influence under Ford, reaching their apex of power in November 1975 with a shakeup that saw Rumsfeld installed as Secretary of Defense, Dick Cheney as White House chief of staff, and George H.W. Bush replacing William Colby as CIA director.
Together, Rumsfeld and Cheney created a bubble not unlike the one that has enveloped President George W. Bush’s White House, surrounding Ford with a close knit group of advisors who worked to head off any possibility of openness about past misdeeds and to turn the administration sharply to the right.
The aid to Turkey referenced in Kissinger’s cryptic remark was precisely the subject of Congressional oversight on the Executive Branch in 1974-75. In a foreshadowing of how Iran Contra would play out a decade later, the White House violated both US and international law in providing arms and financing to the Turks for the Cyprus invasion.
The CIA, through various spokespeople, would not comment on how much additional information with regard to Kissinger, the attack on Cyprus, and the events leading up to the 1980 coup in Turkey with US support would be part of the declassified documents to come out this week. The only thing the agency would say is that “this was a different CIA at a different time,” and “people need to remember that.”
The Chile Coup
Around the time of President Nixon's resignation in August 1974, investigative reporter Seymour Hersh started hearing accounts of illegal foreign and domestic CIA activities. On December 20, 1974, Hersh confronted CIA Director William Colby and received confirmation of everything he had learned. Two days later, Hersh went public with the story.
The Family Jewels were described in a New York Times front page article titled “Huge C.I.A. Operation Reported in U.S. Against Antiwar Forces, Other Dissidents in Nixon Years.” According to Hersh, James Schlesinger, who served briefly as CIA director in 1973, had ordered the report in response to the crimes collectively known as Watergate.
Hersh's article stated, “An extensive investigation by the New York Times has established that intelligence files on at least 10,000 American citizens were maintained by a special unit of the C.I.A. that was reporting directly to Richard Helms, then the Director of Central Intelligence and now the Ambassador to Iran.”
Then-CIA director William Colby's initial impulse was to reveal everything in order to give the CIA a clean slate, but President Ford and Kissinger disagreed. By January 3, 1975 when Colby was summoned to the White House for a briefing, they had decided to keep the lid on by forming a blue ribbon commission under Vice President Nelson Rockefeller.
The "memorandum of conversation" document released by the National Security Archive, dated January 4, 1975, transcribes portions of a follow-up meeting between Ford and Kissinger the next day.
Kissinger complains to President Ford about Colby's urge to come clean, saying, "You will end up with a CIA that does only reporting, and not operations ... He has turned over to the FBI the whole of his operation."
Former CIA Director Helms "said all these stories are just the tip of the iceberg,” Kissinger continues, adding “If they come out, blood will flow." After offering a few examples, Kissinger concludes by remarking mysteriously, "The Chilean thing -- that is not in any report. That is sort of blackmail on me."
The meaning of this remark is far from clear, suggesting as it does that the 693 pages of the Family Jewels were only "the tip of the iceberg" and that among what was left out was a "Chilean thing" that Kissinger perceived as having the potential for blackmail on himself.
It has been known since the revelations of the 70's that prior to Chile's 1970 presidential elections, President Richard Nixon, Kissinger and Helms actively pursued ways to head off the victory of leftist Salvador Allende, including sponsoring an abortive military coup.
"I don't see why we need to stand by and watch a country go Communist because of the irresponsibility of its own people,” Kissinger famously said at the time.
After Allende was democratically elected and became president, the US put economic pressure on Chile and encouraged further military plots -- a two-pronged strategy similar to that currently being employed against Iran -- while Kissinger a continued to press for stronger action.
The CIA's Directorate of Operations was particularly active in Chile in 1972-73, the period leading up to Allende's violent overthrow in September 1973 in a military coup led by General Augusto Pinochet. Following the coup, Kissinger strongly supported the new authoritarian government.
After Helms left the CIA in 1973 to become ambassador to Iran, he offered a series of vague denials when asked about CIA involvement in Chile. Among Helms' claims were "that the CIA hadn't given money directly to Allende's opponents, that the CIA didn't try to fix the vote in the Chilean Congress because investigation had shown it couldn't be arranged, that the CIA didn't try to overthrow the Chilean government because the Agency failed to find anyone who could really do it."
In 1977, Helms was convicted of perjury for his statements and given a two-year suspended sentence and a fine that was paid by his friends from the CIA. As with the more recent perjury of Vice President Cheney’s former chief of staff Scooter Libby's concerning the outing of a CIA officer, Helms' had lies served the purpose of protecting his superiors, notably Kissinger.
However, in Prelude to Terror, historian Joseph Trento offers a somewhat different account of Helms' actions, suggesting a deeper Kissinger involvement.
"From Iran, Helms heard enough about the criminal investigation to issue a threat through his old colleague Tom Braden,” Trento writes. “Braden remembered Helms saying, 'If I am going to be charged, then I will reveal Kissinger's role in these operations.'" Trento adds in a footnote that "Helms himself confided to old friend and CIA colleague (from Iran) Tom Braden that he would resort to [revealing embarrassing state secrets] and 'bring down Henry Kissinger' in the process."
Even apart from Trento's assertions, Kissinger's concern with "the Chilean thing -- that is not in any report" hints at involvement in the 1973 coup. But if Trento's claims are accurate, Kissinger might also have been referring to a threat by Helms to bring him down, both in his remark that "Helms said all these stories are just the tip of the iceberg. If they come out, blood will flow," and in his cryptic description of "the Chilean thing" as "sort of blackmail on me."
(In the original version of this article, the name of Kissinger & Associates was erroneously linked to the website of Kissinger Associates, Inc., an accounting software company in Centerport, PA with no connection to either Henry Kissinger or Kissinger & Associates. We apologize for the error.)
Comment on the aboce article by: anonymous
HENRY KISSINGER:
http://www.zpub.com/un/wanted-hkiss.html
Pol Pot And Kissinger On war criminality and impunity
http://musictravel.free.fr/political/political3.htm
Can Henry Kissinger be Extradited?
http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Kissinger/Kissinger_extradite.html
http://www.secretsocieties.net/whoswho.htm
Before Kissinger withdrew as chairman of the panel a week ago, an e-mail was circulating among some former diplomats and spies documenting some of what the writer argued were Kissinger's abuses of intelligence almost three decades ago, while he was secretary of state. A copy of this e-mail landed in my in-box, and with the permission of the former CIA officer who wrote it, I will share some of its details.
http://www.iht.com/articles/2002/12/21/eddavid_ed3__1.php
ARCHIVE HAILS FINAL TURNOVER OF KISSINGER TELCONS
GWU Group Persuades National Archives to Recover Telephone Transcripts
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20020211/
Want a Cover-Up Expert? Kissinger's Your Man
http://www.thenation.com/doc/20021216/scheer20021203
http://www.thenation.com/blogs/capitalgames?pid=176
The Bush Crime Family:
Four Generations of Wall Street War-Making and War-Profiteering
August, 2004
http://www.communitycurrency.org/BushCrimeFamily.html
http://www.henry-kissinger.com/
http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,1101061,00.html
Henry Kissinger: War Criminal or Old-Fashioned Murderer?
http://www.eclipse.net/%7Etgardnet/kiss/kisskill.html
THE CASE AGAINST HENRY KISSINGER
The making of a war criminal
http://www.eclipse.net/%7Etgardnet/kiss/hitchens.html
Manhattans Milosevic
How You Can Do What the Government Wont: Arrest Henry Kissinger
http://www.villagevoice.com/news/0133,ridgeway,27288,1.html
26 June 2007, 18:35:45
HENRY KISSINGER:
http://www.zpub.com/un/wanted-hkiss.html
Pol Pot And Kissinger On war criminality and impunity
http://musictravel.free.fr/political/political3.htm
Can Henry Kissinger be Extradited?
http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Kissinger/Kissinger_extradite.html
http://www.secretsocieties.net/whoswho.htm
Before Kissinger withdrew as chairman of the panel a week ago, an e-mail was circulating among some former diplomats and spies documenting some of what the writer argued were Kissinger's abuses of intelligence almost three decades ago, while he was secretary of state. A copy of this e-mail landed in my in-box, and with the permission of the former CIA officer who wrote it, I will share some of its details.
http://www.iht.com/articles/2002/12/21/eddavid_ed3__1.php
ARCHIVE HAILS FINAL TURNOVER OF KISSINGER TELCONS
GWU Group Persuades National Archives to Recover Telephone Transcripts
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20020211/
Want a Cover-Up Expert? Kissinger's Your Man
http://www.thenation.com/doc/20021216/scheer20021203
http://www.thenation.com/blogs/capitalgames?pid=176
The Bush Crime Family:
Four Generations of Wall Street War-Making and War-Profiteering
August, 2004
http://www.communitycurrency.org/BushCrimeFamily.html
http://www.henry-kissinger.com/
http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,1101061,00.html
Henry Kissinger: War Criminal or Old-Fashioned Murderer?
http://www.eclipse.net/%7Etgardnet/kiss/kisskill.html
THE CASE AGAINST HENRY KISSINGER
The making of a war criminal
http://www.eclipse.net/%7Etgardnet/kiss/hitchens.html
Manhattans Milosevic
How You Can Do What the Government Wont: Arrest Henry Kissinger
http://www.villagevoice.com/news/0133,ridgeway,27288,1.html
26 June 2007, 18:35:45
Henry Kissinger and Turkey Plans for Cyprus Invasion (Greek)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZJ3C_waypMo
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZJ3C_waypMo
http://greekcypriot.blogspot.com/2007/08/secreteyes-only.html
http://newint.org/blog/editors/2009/07/06/war-criminal/
http://forum.prisonplanet.com/index.php?topic=168505.0
http://newint.org/blog/editors/2009/07/06/war-criminal/
http://forum.prisonplanet.com/index.php?topic=168505.0
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